Davido, Rarara: Possible Combination And 2027 Race, By Hassan Gimba

August 23, 2026

Nigerian politics is so serious that it is no longer left in the hands of politicians. Or so it seems.
We can see how Davido, carrying the South and a segment of Northern youths, and Rarara, with a huge fan base in the North, stand at the vanguard of the music industry, with their influence now extending into national politics, where their reach can shape public loyalties and political momentum.
Davido and Rarara are Nigerian musicians and household names in the Nigerian music industry. Each has his own genre, audience, style and appeal, shaped by his background.
Born on November 21, 1992, David Adedeji Adeleke (Davido) is a Nigerian-American. He holds dual citizenship because he was born in Atlanta, Georgia, in the United States. His father, 69-year-old Adedeji Adeleke, is a billionaire business magnate, CEO of Pacific Holdings Limited and president of Adeleke University. He is the elder brother of Osun State Governor Ademola Adeleke, the dancing governor, who was re-elected last week and is junior to the late Isiaka Adeleke.
The late Isiaka Adeleke, often called Serubawon, established a deep political dynasty that the re-elected governor of Osun State built on. He was the first civilian governor of Osun State and later served as a senator. This places Davido within a family whose name carries considerable political and financial weight.
His mother, the late Dr Veronica Imade Adeleke, a Bini lady from Edo State, tragically passed away on March 6, 2003, at the age of 39. While the date coincided with the 40th birthday of her husband, it is a date I cannot forget because it also coincided with the death of my first wife, Lami Fatima Babare.
Dr Veronica was a university lecturer at Babcock University, an entrepreneur and a passionate music lover. She had a strong affinity for music and led her own musical group, “David’s Band”. She even owned a record label in the 1990s, which no doubt inspired Davido’s own entry into the music industry.
You see, the Adeleke family has no problems and can afford to take schooling lightly or dance all the time.
On the other hand, Dauda Kahutu (Rarara), six years older than Davido, was born on September 13, 1986. Born in Kahutu village in Danja Local Government Area of Katsina State, he was raised by his parents, Alhaji Adamu Kahutu and Hajiya Halima Adamu.
He started as a typical almajiri, exposed to Qur’anic studies during his early years. He also had opportunities to participate in informal performance culture, especially after relocating to Kano State to further his Islamic education. These experiences influenced his musical style.
While Davido was privileged by birth, coming from an elite family where he had no lack, Rarara had to pull himself up by his bootstraps.
For instance, Davido was born in the United States, attended the British International School on Victoria Island, Lagos, and studied business administration at Oakwood University in Alabama, where he dropped out, then returned to Nigeria and graduated with a music degree from Babcock University in 2015.
He is a highly influential singer, songwriter and record producer, a leading force in global Afrobeats and the founder of Davido Music Worldwide (DMW).
Rarara, who did not enjoy Davido’s privileges, is also a very influential Hausa singer and songwriter.
But while Davido is more globally recognised and is something of an activist – a vocation he can easily afford because he might not know “hunger” – Rarara started as a praise singer, like many Hausa singers, to keep body and soul together.
Davido first achieved global prominence when he performed at the closing ceremony of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar on December 18, 2022, just before the Argentina-France final. He sang the tournament’s hit single, “Hayya Hayya (Better Together)”, alongside co-artists AISHA and Trinidad Cardona, as well as collaborators on the official multi-song soundtrack. He made history as the first Afrobeats artist to perform on a FIFA World Cup final stage.
He also performed ahead of the 2026 World Cup as a headliner at the official FIFA World Cup Countdown Concert at the Crypto.com Arena in Los Angeles on June 10, 2026. He also performed at FIFA World Cup Fan Festival events, including in Atlanta, and is featured on the official FIFA World Cup 2026 album alongside other Nigerian artistes.
It was here that he displayed his activist streak when he wore a custom statement jacket highlighting the names of 39 abducted schoolchildren and seven teachers from Oyo State in Nigeria to raise global awareness. By doing so, he turned music into a political signal.
This singular act pitted him against Rarara, who has also gained national recognition, with the president standing up to shake hands with him.
This is unprecedented because even the late Alhaji Mamman Gawo Filinge, often phonetically written or misheard as Gawo Falange, a legendary Hausa singer from the Filinge (Filingué) district in the Tillabéri region of Niger, did not receive such an honour.
In 1970, Filinge sang the iconic song “Najeriya da Nijar” before General Yakubu Gowon, then Nigeria’s leader, and Hamani Diori, the first president of the Republic of Niger. The song highlighted the deep historical and cultural unity between Nigeria and Niger, as well as the camaraderie between the two leaders. Yet none of them stood up for him.
But even Alhaji (Dr) Mamman Shata, who performed before multiple Nigerian heads of state and presidents throughout his legendary career spanning more than half a century, did not receive the public honour Rarara did. And Shata was arguably the most famous Hausa griot and praise singer in West Africa in his time.
The president’s gesture towards Rarara, to some, does not denote a lowering of the office or serve as a reference for Nigerian youths on who earns “respect”. They see it as a gift that God bestows on whom He wishes, and in this era, He has elevated Rarara to that level.
Rarara’s songs consolidate an existing order, as we saw when his songs galvanised the followers of the late General Muhammadu Buhari. His “Omo logo” song, eulogising the president, is now catapulting APC and, more especially, Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s adherents to cloud seven.
In contrast, Davido’s songs and activism tend to draw people towards his way of thinking. Therein lies the main difference between the two characters: one reinforces an existing order, while the other seeks to shape opinion. If they combine their talents, they may sway a nation.
Currently, the two are on opposite sides of the divide and at each other’s throats. But with the confession of Davido’s uncle, the dancing governor, that he would work for Tinubu’s re-election because he is Yoruba and from the South-West, and Davido’s dobale to Wike, we may see a convergence of interests between Rarara, who is already on the ground, and Davido, the new entrant.
That is, if Davido, who mocked the governor of Edo State over his poor WAEC result, would overlook those without the same privileges.
Rarara is not rooting for Tinubu because of tribe or region, but because of his interests. In this respect, musicians, too, like politicians, can set aside differences, friendship or the lack of it, and work to advance their personal interests, whether permanent or temporary.

Hassan Gimba, ANIPR, is the Publisher and CEO of Neptune Prime

Trump, Iran And The Price Of Miscalculation, By Abdulkarim Abdulmalik

Greenbarge Reporters

August 23, 2026

There is a fundamental question hanging over Washington, Tehran, the Middle East and, indeed, the global economy: has President Donald Trump turned a difficult confrontation with Iran into a strategic miscalculation that neither side can easily escape?
The question matters because the consequences of the present crisis are no longer confined to the United States and Iran. The diplomatic process has stalled: the temporary peace arrangement has failed to produce any realistic settlement and the Strait of Hormuz—the narrow waterway vital to global energy flows—has become the symbol of a much larger geopolitical struggle. On August 17, the deadline for the U.S.-Iran peace arrangement lapsed with no breakthrough; both countries continued to blame the other for the collapse.
Calling Trump’s approach a “bad deal” may therefore may not be misleading. The greater problem may be that Washington has moved from negotiation to coercion without establishing a mutually acceptable political destination. A deal that neither side believes is fair, enforceable or sustainable is not really a peace agreement. It is merely a stop gap for the next crisis.

*Why is Trump Making What Looks Like a Bad Deal?*
Trump’s instinct has often been to negotiate from a position of overwhelming pressure skin to master-servant duel. The logic is straightforward: demonstrate superior power, impose economic pain and force the adversary to accept terms.
That approach may work in business transactions. International conflicts, however, are not ordinary commercial negotiations.
Iran is not simply a government calculating profits and losses. Its leaders also calculate sovereignty, national pride, domestic legitimacy, regional influence and historical memory. A proposal that Washington considers generous may be viewed in Tehran as a demand for capitulation.
This is where the American strategy appears to have encountered its greatest difficulty. Iran reportedly sought measures including relief from pressure, security assurances and arrangements concerning the Strait of Hormuz, while Washington expected Iran to make substantial concessions. When the two sides could not bridge those differences, the interim process deteriorated. The result was not peace but renewed confrontation.
Trump’s subsequent turn towards what he described as a major economic campaign against Iran obviously deepen this problem. Economic pressure could hurt an adversary, but it could also harden resistance and create incentives for other countries to develop alternative trading, financial and political arrangements.
The danger, therefore, is that Washington is unarguably losing the larger contest for an enduring settlement.

*How Badly Did Trump Miscalculate Iran?*
The most important miscalculation was assuming that military superiority automatically produces political compliance.
The United States no doubt possesses enormous military, financial and technological power. However, power is not measured only by the size of an army or the sophistication of equipment. In asymmetric conflicts, geography, endurance, political will and the ability to impose economic costs could also be important.
Iran’s greatest strength has not necessarily been its ability to defeat the United States in a conventional contest. Its strength has been its capacity to make confrontation extraordinarily costly and difficult to conclude.
The Strait of Hormuz demonstrates this reality. Even disruption and uncertainty around this strategic waterway could affect oil supplies, shipping costs, insurance premiums, transport prices and inflation far beyond the Middle East. Recent reports show sharply reduced tanker traffic and growing uncertainty over commercial shipping as the conflict continues.
That is the strategic lesson Washington had underestimated: Iran does not have to defeat America militarily to deny America an easy victory politically.
The longer the conflict continues, the more expensive it becomes for everyone but more on the United States given that high military expenditures, diplomatic strain and domestic economic consequences. As for Iran, it suffers severe economic hardship and isolation. The Gulf states too, face insecurity while Europe worries about energy and trade. Also, Asian economies fear supply disruptions.
In other words, this has become a conflict in which even the strongest military power cannot simply dictate the economic consequences.

*Is the Whole World Really Lining Up Against America?*
The answer requires caution.
The whole world is not literally lining up against the United States. Many governments remain American allies, depend on security relationships with Washington or disagree strongly with Iranian policies.
But there is an important distinction between supporting America and supporting every American policy.
Countries could oppose Iran’s conduct while simultaneously rejecting an endless war. They could value their alliance with Washington while refusing to sacrifice their economies for a confrontation they did not choose.
Europe, for instance, has been deeply concerned about the wider consequences of the conflict, particularly energy security and regional instability. European governments were not privy participants in the initial offensive and have had to confront the economic fallout from a crisis largely shaped elsewhere.
China, Russia and other powers have their own reasons for resisting an American-dominated approach. For some, Iran has become part of a wider geopolitical contest over sanctions, trade routes, energy security and the future of the international order.
Meanwhile, regional countries are increasingly pursuing their own diplomatic calculations. Oman has continued to feature in mediation and discussions connected to maritime access, while Egypt and Pakistan have also been involved in efforts to revive diplomacy.
Against this backdrop, what appears to be the world “lining up against America” is better understood as a broader rejection of a policy of permanent escalation. The international community is not necessarily choosing Iran over the United States. Many countries are choosing their own economic survival over somebody else’s war.

*The Economic Ripples Are Already Global*
This is perhaps the most dangerous dimension of the crisis.
War in the Gulf is never merely a Gulf problem. Energy is the bloodstream of the modern global economy. When its supply routes are disrupted, the consequences swiftly travel—from oil terminals to factories, from shipping companies to food markets, and eventually to ordinary families.
Reduced traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has already contributed to higher uncertainty, shipping costs and pressure on energy markets. The conflict’s economic consequences have become an international concern rather than a regional inconvenience.
For developing countries such as Nigeria, the danger is particularly serious. Higher global energy costs could raise transportation expenses and the prices of imported goods. Inflation could intensify. Businesses could face higher production costs. Governments that are already struggling with debt and fiscal pressures may find their room for manoeuvre shrinking.
Ironically, even oil-producing countries may not automatically benefit. A temporary increase in crude prices could be offset by higher costs of refined petroleum products, shipping, food imports and general inflation.
There are though, no real winners in this US-Ireal imposed hostility against Iran, the global energy arteries become battlefields.

*The Way Forward: Peace Through Mutual Security*
The first requirement is an immediate return to serious diplomacy.
Not diplomacy as propaganda.
Not diplomacy as a pause for further threats.
The United States should recognise that Iran cannot be forced into a sustainable settlement through humiliation.
A credible peace framework should include five broad principles:
First, a verifiable ceasefire and protection for civilian and commercial navigation.
Second, a guaranteed international mechanism for the safe movement of shipping through the Strait of Hormuz.
Third, phased reciprocal commitments: verified de-escalation by Iran matched with clearly defined and verifiable relief from punitive measures.
Fourth, credible security guarantees designed to reduce the fear of future attacks or retaliation.
Fifth, an inclusive diplomatic process involving credible mediators and major stakeholders.
This may not satisfy the maximalists in Washington or Tehran. But maximalism is precisely what has brought the world to the present impasse.
Trump’s real test of leadership is no longer whether he could apply more pressure. It is whether he could recognise when pressure has reached the point of diminishing returns and transform confrontation into negotiation.
Iran’s test is also clear: whether it could defend its interests without allowing resistance to become an endless economic burden.
The world has reached the apogee where peace is no longer simply a moral aspiration. It is an economic necessity.
The reopening of diplomatic channels would calm energy markets, reduce shipping risks, ease inflationary pressures and restore confidence among investors. A genuine settlement would have ripple effects from the Middle East to Africa, Europe, Asia and the Americas.
The choice is stark. The United States and Iran could continue measuring who is stronger while the rest of the world pays the bill. Or they could accept a more difficult truth: neither side is likely to obtain everything it wants, but both could obtain something far more valuable than total victory.
And in an increasingly fragile global economy, peace may be the best deal either side could make.

– Abdulkarim Abdulmalik is an Abuja-based Journalist and Chairman, Governing Board, Guild of Interfaith Media Practitioners Nigeria (GIMP-Nigeria). Email: nowmalik@gmail.com

How Green Revolution Failed Africa To Reduce Hunger After 20 Years – Reports

Greenbarge Reporters

August 19, 2026

Two new reports have concluded that Africa’s Green Revolution model has failed to deliver on its promise of reducing hunger and transforming the continent’s agricultural systems.
The reports documented the outcomes of two decades of interventions associated with the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA).
The reports, by the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA) and Tufts University researcher, Timothy A. Wise, are being released as AGRA marks its 20th anniversary with a continent-wide celebration tour.
According to the findings, the number of undernourished people across AGRA focus countries has increased by 58 per cent since 2006, despite AGRA’s stated objective of cutting hunger by half.
The latest assessment represents a significant deterioration from an earlier 2020 assessment, which had found a 31 per cent increase in undernourishment across the same countries.
The reports also questioned the effectiveness of the Green Revolution model’s emphasis on increased use of commercial fertilisers, improved seeds and other external agricultural inputs.
They found that staple crop yield growth has slowed since AGRA’s establishment compared with the 12 years preceding its launch, even though fertiliser use across the region has more than doubled.
Rather than achieving the promised “sustainable intensification” of agriculture through higher productivity on existing farmland, the reports said much of the increase in food production resulted from the expansion of cultivated land.
Cropland expanded by 46 per cent since 2006, raising concerns over deforestation, land degradation and the long-term sustainability of the agricultural model.
The researchers pointed to Senegal as a contrasting example. The country, which was not an AGRA focus country, achieved the target that AGRA had set for its own focus countries by cutting hunger by half during the period under review.
Reacting to the findings, Mutinta Nketani, National Coordinator of the Zambia Alliance for Agroecology and Biodiversity (ZAAB), said the experience of farmers in Zambia demonstrated the limitations of the model.
“After billions poured into AGRA aligned policies, farmers have only grown hungrier and more in debt,” Nketani said, insisting that Africa “cannot continue this way.”
The findings are expected to feature prominently at a virtual press conference scheduled for Monday, August 24, 2026, bringing together researchers, farmers and food sovereignty advocates to examine the impact of two decades of Green Revolution policies and highlight alternatives being developed by African farmers.
The event, scheduled for 9 a.m. EST, 1 p.m. GMT in Accra and Bamako, and 4 p.m. EAT in Nairobi, will feature simultaneous English and French interpretation.
Million Belay, General Coordinator of AFSA, said that agroecology was already providing practical alternatives to the industrial agricultural model.
“The agroecological alternative isn’t theoretical. Farmers are already building the agroecological alternative: restoring soils, protecting their seeds, diversifying their farms and reducing dependence on expensive external inputs.”
Belay called for greater investment in approaches that are demonstrating results at community level, saying, “It’s time to fund what works.”
The reports advocate greater attention to farmer-led and agroecological approaches that prioritise soil restoration, biodiversity, indigenous and farmer-managed seed systems, crop diversification and reduced dependence on costly external inputs.
Wise’s assessment, titled: “Requiem for Africa’s Green Revolution,” was published on August 17, while AFSA’s report, “The Green Revolution Has Failed Africa: Twenty Years of Evidence and What Works Instead,” is scheduled for release on August 24.
The press conference will be moderated by Raj Patel, author, filmmaker and academic.
Speakers will include Belay; Mariama Sonko, a farmer and women’s rights activist from southern Senegal and Chair of the Pan-African movement Nous Sommes la Solution (We are the Solution); Nketani; and Wise, a senior research fellow at Tufts University’s Global Development and Environment Institute and author of Eating Tomorrow.
The organisers said that the event would provide an opportunity to move beyond aggregate agricultural statistics and examine the lived experiences of farmers and consumers under the Green Revolution model, while showcasing food and farming systems that communities are already developing across Africa.
The findings are likely to intensify debate over the future direction of agricultural policy and investment on the continent, particularly the balance between industrial input-driven agriculture and farmer-led agroecological systems.
At the heart of the debate is a fundamental question: after 20 years of major investments and policy interventions, should Africa continue to pursue the Green Revolution model – or redirect resources towards approaches that farmers say are delivering greater resilience, food sovereignty and sustainability?

Just Before Cyber Security Study Opens Floodgate Of Bank Frauds…By Yusuf Ozi-Usman

Greenbarge Reporters

August 15, 2026

Not too long ago, some of the Nigerian tartiary institutions, including universities began the training of the youth in cyber security systems. Many youths fell, and are falling over one another to gain admissions to study the course, especially when they realized that it is mainly the banks and other financial institutions that would need their services.
To be sure, cybersecurity training is not a bad idea because it exposes students to networks, computer systems, authentication mechanisms, vulnerabilities, programming, digital forensics and methods of identifying and exploiting security weaknesses. These skills are valuable because financial institutions need professionals who can detect vulnerabilities before criminals exploit them.
The stronger argument however, is not that studying cybersecurity in universities is inherently dangerous. Rather, there has been concern that poorly regulated cybersecurity education, inadequate ethical oversight and the possible misuse of technical knowledge by some individuals have contributed to a growing threat to Nigeria’s financial sector.
Cybersecurity education is essential to the protection of banks, fintech companies, government institutions and millions of customers who increasingly depend on digital financial services.
However, the same technical knowledge acquired for defensive purposes is recently going into what one would call “wrong hands” who turned it into tools for criminal activities.
It is clear where the fault line is coming from in the context of the poor economy that has turned majority into paupers. This is also against the background of the desire by the emerging generation to get rich quick, irrespective of the circumstances. Think of the growing cases of what has come to be known as Yahoo Yahoo.
It is clear that the cybercrimes are emerging as a dangerous threat to especially banking system not because the study of it by the youths is not guided by adequate emphasis on professional ethics, legal responsibility and responsible use of technical capabilities but because most of the students use the technically skill negatively. They prefer to cash in a on some loopholes to manipulate the system for personal gain.
This is where a serious concern for Nigeria’s financial sector arises, because banking and financial transactions have become increasingly digital.
Mobile banking, internet banking, electronic transfers, payment platforms, fintech applications, automated banking systems and digital identity systems have expanded access to financial services, but they have also created more opportunities for cybercriminals. In other words, criminals exploit human weaknesses and technological vulnerabilities through phishing, credential theft, social engineering, malware, identity theft and account takeover. In many cases, the criminal does not need to physically enter a bank or possess a customer’s bank card. Access to the right information, combined with technical knowledge and deception, can potentially be enough to cause financial damage.
Phishing is one of the clearest examples. A criminal may deceive a customer into revealing login credentials, authentication information or other sensitive details by pretending to represent a bank, telecommunications company, government agency or trusted service provider. Social engineering takes this further by manipulating people rather than simply attacking computer systems. Someone with knowledge of cybersecurity understands how people respond to urgency, fear, authority and financial incentives and misuse that understanding to construct convincing fraudulent schemes.
Credential theft and account takeover are equally troubling. Once criminals obtain usernames, passwords or other authentication information, they gain unauthorized access to victims’ accounts. Malware can also be used to compromise devices or steal sensitive information. These threats demonstrate why cybersecurity education must not merely teach students how attacks work; it must also teach them why unauthorized access, data theft and exploitation are criminal acts with serious consequences.
This is not to say however that Banks and other financial institutions don’t require experts capable of identifying vulnerabilities, monitoring networks, investigating incidents, strengthening authentication systems and protecting customers against increasingly sophisticated attacks. Therefore, essentially, Universities have an important responsibility to produce cybersecurity professionals who can become part of the country’s first line of digital defence.
The real issue is the quality and governance of cyber security education. Universities should ensure that practical cybersecurity training takes place within controlled laboratories and clearly defined legal boundaries. Students should understand that learning how to penetrate a system for educational purposes does not give them permission to penetrate a real bank, fintech platform, government database or another person’s computer. Ethical hacking must be separated clearly from criminal hacking, and students should be taught the legal consequences of crossing that boundary.
There should also be stronger collaboration between universities, financial institutions, cybersecurity agencies and law-enforcement bodies. Such collaboration could provide students with legitimate opportunities to practise defensive cybersecurity, participate in supervised security exercises and understand the real-world challenges facing Nigeria’s financial system. Financial institutions could also support ethical hacking competitions, internships and cybersecurity research programmes that channel students’ technical abilities toward solving genuine security problems.
Another important concern is the protection of sensitive information. Cybersecurity students and researchers may encounter vulnerabilities, datasets or technical information that should not be publicly disclosed without authorization. Universities should therefore establish clear rules concerning responsible vulnerability disclosure, handling of sensitive information, research ethics and the use of penetration-testing tools. Students should learn that discovering a vulnerability is not the same thing as having the right to exploit it.
Nigeria’s financial-sector regulators and educational authorities also have a role to play. Cybersecurity programmes should be subjected to appropriate academic and professional standards, while institutions should continuously review their curricula because cyber threats evolve rapidly. Training should combine technical competence with ethics, law, risk management, digital investigation, privacy and professional responsibility.
Ultimately, cybersecurity knowledge should not be made to be dangerous. Its impact should be measured against the background of how it is acquired, regulated and used.
One still believes that a well-trained cybersecurity graduate can become a valuable defender of Nigeria’s financial system, while an individual who deliberately misuses similar knowledge can become a serious cybercrime threat.
One is not discouraging and or condemning cybersecurity education in Nigerian universities but that it should be strengthened with its practical components, promote ethical conduct,
ensuring that technical competence is matched by a strong understanding of law and responsibility.
Nigeria’s growing digital economy makes this balance increasingly important. The country needs a generation of cybersecurity professionals capable of protecting financial institutions and their customers, while simultaneously ensuring that the knowledge taught in universities does not become an unchecked pathway to cyber-enabled financial crime. The objective should be to turn cybersecurity education into a stronger shield for Nigeria’s financial sector rather than allowing technical knowledge to become a weapon against it.

Yusuf Ozi-Usman, nipr, is the Editor-in-chief of Greenbarge Reporters online newspaper and hardcopy magazine and can be reached on 08037020244.

Interfaith Media Group Reacts To Sheikh Jingir, Says Nigeria Cannot Afford Religious War-Of-Word

Greenbarge Reporters

August 13, 2026

The Guild of Interfaith Media Practitioners Nigeria (GIMP-Nigeria) has reacted to the explosive remarks attributed to one Sheikh Yahaya Jingir concerning Christians in the country.
In a statement by its Chairman, Abdulkarim Abdulmalik, calling for restraint, responsible religious preaching and respect for Nigeria’s religious diversity, the Guild described the reported comments as “unfortunate and provocative.”
According to the interfaith religious group, inflammatory religious rhetoric could deepen mistrust and threaten peaceful coexistence.
“Nigeria cannot afford a religious war of words when the country is already confronting insecurity, poverty, unemployment and social fragmentation.”
The group recalled that Islam’s historical tradition provides important examples of peaceful engagement with Christians and other faith communities, pointing to the Prophet Muhammad’s relationship with the Christian ruler of Abyssinia, the Negus, who provided refuge to persecuted early Muslims.
It cited the Prophet’s engagement with Christian visitors in Madinah as evidence that religious differences did not prevent dialogue, mutual respect and peaceful coexistence.
“Islam must not be judged by the irresponsible words of any individual, just as Christianity must not be judged by the misconduct of any Christian.”
The Guild called on Islamic scholars and organisations, including the Izala Society, the Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs and Jama’atu Nasril Islam, to provide appropriate scholarly clarification whenever statements attributed to religious figures appear inconsistent with Islamic principles of justice and peaceful coexistence.
It also called on relevant authorities to investigate any allegation of incitement through due process, stressing that no religious leader or public figure should be above the law.
GIMP-Nigeria cautioned against using law enforcement or religious controversies for political persecution or electoral mobilisation.
The Guild urged President Bola Tinubu, Vice President Kashim Shettima and other political leaders to uphold their constitutional responsibility to protect all Nigerians irrespective of religion or ethnicity.
It advised religious and political leaders to choose dialogue over denunciation and justice over selective outrage, stressing that Nigeria’s religious diversity should be transformed into a source of national strength rather than division.
The Guild advised Nigerians to reject inflammatory rhetoric and strengthen the culture of interfaith understanding, mutual respect and peaceful coexistence.

Revenue Service Boss, Adedeji, Describes Report On Frontier Exploration Fund As Fake News

Greenbarge Reporters

August 10, 2026

The Executive Chairman of the Nigeria Revenue Service (NRS), Zacch Adedeji, has described online newspaper reports linking the NRS to dubious deal in the Frontier Exploration Fund as sponsored fake news.
The report had alleged that the transfer of $279 million from the Fund’s account to some unnamed accounts and claimed that Adedeji and the NRS were in the know of the ‘illegal’ movement of money.
According to the report, the alleged fraud had put Adedeji under pressure with stakeholders calling for forensic audit of the Fund’s account.
But in his reaction via telephone conversation, Adedeji dismissed the said report as fake news based on the imagination of some persons determined to tarnish his reputation and the image of the NRS.
“That report is not true in any way. It is pure fake news sponsored by some jobless persons whose pastime is to throw mud at high performers in the President Tinubu government. I consider it to be a brand of cheap journalism lacking in ethics and professionalism but heavy with malicious intentions.
“To prove to you that it was sponsored, take a critical look at the storyline and language. They are the same language and style in all the reports, meaning that one person wrote it and distributed across gullible online platforms.”
The NRS chairman said that the sponsors of the report exhibited lack of understanding on what the Frontier Fund was all about and how it is disbursed.
He explained that the Frontier Exploration Fund was established under Section 9 of the Petroleum Industry Act, 2021 and was meant to finance petroleum exploration activities in frontier basins where commercially viable hydrocarbon reserves are yet to be fully established,
The frontier basins include Bida, Benue Trough Anambra, Chad, Sokoto and Dahomey Basins. The Fund is to be used for expenses in geological mapping, seismic surveys, exploratory drilling, appraisal wells, basin studies and other exploration activities.

Stop Moves To Resume Oil Exploration In Ogoniland, Over 50 NGOs, CSOs Tell Nigerian Govt

Greenbarge Reporters

August 7, 2026

A coalition of more than 50 environmental and civil society organisations have called on the Federal Government of Nigeria to stop the plans to resume oil exploration in Ogoniland, insisting that the region’s priority should be environmental restoration rather than renewed petroleum production.
The groups made the call amid reports that Dutchford Exploration and Production Company Limited have emerged as the successful bidder for the Yorla South oil field in Khana Local Government Area of Rivers State. They described the development as a dangerous step that could reopen decades-old environmental wounds in the Niger Delta, instead of addressing the pollution and ecological devastation left by previous oil operations.
In a strongly worded statement titled: “Don’t Reopen the Wells – Decommission, Clean Up and Restore Ogoniland,” the organisations argued that reopening dormant oil wells before completing remediation efforts would amount to sacrificing the health, livelihoods and future of Ogoni communities for short-term economic gains.
“We are unequivocal: Do not reopen the wells. Decommission them. Clean them up. Restore the land. Protect the people. Ogoniland has suffered enough,” the coalition declared.
The activists recalled that Ogoniland has endured decades of oil pollution, contaminated farmlands and rivers, degraded ecosystems, gas flaring and social conflict arising from petroleum extraction. They maintained that the solution to the region’s environmental crisis is restoration rather than a return to oil production.
According to the coalition, the reported move to resume production at Yorla South contradicts the landmark findings of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP), which documented widespread environmental contamination across Ogoniland and recommended comprehensive clean-up and remediation before any further development.
The organisations also cited the unresolved oil spill in Kpean community, host to several Yorla oil wells, as evidence that existing environmental liabilities remain unattended. They alleged that crude oil escaping from a dormant wellhead in August 2025 contaminated farmland, streams and sources of drinking water, while a subsequent spill further worsened conditions for residents.
They said many affected communities continue to face loss of livelihoods, polluted water sources and health concerns without meaningful clean-up, compensation or medical support. Restarting production under such circumstances, they argued, would expose ageing infrastructure to additional risks and increase the likelihood of fresh spills and environmental disasters.
Drawing parallels with other pollution incidents in the Niger Delta, the coalition warned against creating “another Ororo-1” or extending the environmental impacts associated with prolonged gas flaring and hydrocarbon pollution witnessed in communities such as Okrika and Bille.
“The Niger Delta has seen what happens when warnings are ignored,” the statement noted, cautioning that Ogoniland must not become another example of environmental neglect caused by ageing and poorly managed oil infrastructure.
Instead of approving new oil production, the groups urged the Federal Government to prioritise full implementation of environmental restoration programmes, including remediation of contaminated soils, rehabilitation of creeks, protection of public health, restoration of livelihoods and accountability for polluters.
The coalition further demanded an immediate moratorium on any attempt to restart production at Yorla South until several conditions are met. These include an independent environmental assessment of the oil field and surrounding communities, complete remediation of the Kpean spill, public disclosure of licence details and ownership, comprehensive environmental and social impact assessments, meaningful consultation with affected communities, assessment and decommissioning of ageing infrastructure, transparent environmental monitoring and a legally enforceable framework for addressing historical and future environmental liabilities.
Referencing the international “Ogonize and Yasunize” campaign championed by Oilwatch International and the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF), the organisations argued that Ogoniland has become a global symbol of community resistance against environmentally destructive fossil fuel extraction.
They warned that reopening the Yorla wells would undermine decades of advocacy and send the wrong signal to communities worldwide seeking to protect ecologically sensitive territories from fossil fuel development.
The statement concluded with a call on government, industry and the international community to invest in environmental restoration rather than renewed oil extraction.
“Ogoniland has given enough. Its people have suffered enough. Its rivers have carried enough oil. Its soil has absorbed enough poison. The future of Ogoniland must not be another oil boom—it must be a restoration boom. Ogoniland does not need another barrel of crude. Ogoniland needs justice,” the coalition stated.
The statement was jointly endorsed by 51 organisations, including Oilwatch International, the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF), Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth Nigeria (ERA/FoEN), Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), Policy Alert, Amazon Watch, Oilwatch Africa, Oilwatch Nigeria, Kebetkache Women Development and Resource Centre, and several other environmental justice organisations across Africa, Latin America and Europe.

Pollution Devastating Delta Town, 5 Weeks After Oil Well Blowout; Group Raises Alarm

Greenbarge Reporters

August 6, 2026

More than five weeks after an oil well blowout in Uzere Kingdom in Delta State, environmental disaster is believed to be unfolding even as Heritage Energy Operational Services Limited responsible for the blowout has failed to clean it up.
In a field report after a visit to the community, the Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) raised alarm over what it described as “an environmental disaster waiting to explode,” warning that the continuing discharge of crude oil and associated petroleum substances from Well 14 in Oil Mining Lease (OML) 30 poses grave threats to livelihoods, public health and the fragile ecosystem of the oil-producing community.
The blowout occurred in the night of June 26, 2026, at the Heritage Energy-operated facility in Uzere Kingdom, Isoko South Local Government Area of Delta State.
According to HOMEF, Uzere – one of Nigeria’s oldest oil-producing communities where commercial oil exploration began in 1957 – hosts more than 43 producing wells with a combined output of about 53,000 barrels of crude oil per day. The community’s economy depends largely on farming and fishing, making it particularly vulnerable to environmental pollution.
The organisation said community leaders who visited the site shortly after the incident were informed by company engineers that the blowout resulted from equipment failure caused by excessive pressure.
Despite demands by residents for immediate intervention, HOMEF said the company was unable to halt the uncontrolled release of crude oil, gas and associated petroleum fluids. More than one month later, the damaged wellhead, commonly referred to as the “Christmas Tree,” had reportedly collapsed and continued to leak petroleum products into the surrounding environment.
HOMEF warned that the location of the damaged facility – close to farmlands, fish ponds and a gas flare stack – could trigger a much larger ecological disaster as the annual flood season approaches.
“The damaged wellhead is located dangerously close to agricultural land, fish ponds and a gas flare facility,” the report stated. “With the flood season imminent, there is a significant risk that crude oil and associated pollutants could spread into rivers, wetlands and farmlands, worsening ecological damage and threatening food security.”
The report said that residents are being haunted by the devastating floods of 2012 and 2022, which destroyed livelihoods and caused extensive environmental damage. Community members fear a repeat scenario, this time compounded by widespread oil contamination.
Chairman of the Uzere Oil and Gas Committee, Sylvanus Evroro, said the community had experienced a smaller oil spill in the same field about a decade ago, but it was successfully contained.
He expressed concern that the current blowout remains unchecked as the rainy season intensifies.
“August is approaching, and without intervention from the authorities responsible for salvaging the well blowout, the coming flood will worsen the situation by spreading the spill across the community and beyond,” Evroro said.
He warned that the community’s economic survival is at stake if urgent action is not taken.
“About 90 per cent of our people are farmers and fishers. If this blowout is not contained immediately, our farms, fish ponds, lakes and swamps will be seriously affected, with grave consequences for livelihoods and food production,” he added.
According to the report, community leaders said Heritage Energy notified the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA) almost two weeks after the incident.
Residents told HOMEF that officials of the agency later visited the site and reportedly attributed the blowout to poor maintenance of the operator’s equipment. However, they lamented that no meaningful containment or environmental remediation had commenced as of the organisation’s assessment.
HOMEF said that its delegation, accompanied by community leaders, was denied access to the affected site by security personnel, who insisted that authorisation must first be obtained from Heritage Energy’s office in Warri.
The organisation based its assessment on photographs, video recordings and eyewitness accounts provided by community representatives. It also noted that no Joint Investigation Visit (JIV) report was made available during the assessment.
The environmental group said the inability to directly inspect the site did not diminish the seriousness of the evidence gathered.
“Evidence gathered from community testimonies, photographs and videos indicates that the blowout presents serious environmental, economic and public health risks,” the report stated.
HOMEF argued that the prolonged failure to contain the blowout raises broader concerns about emergency preparedness, regulatory oversight and accountability within Nigeria’s oil industry.
The organisation urged Heritage Energy to immediately deploy internationally accepted emergency response measures to stop the ongoing discharge of crude oil and associated pollutants, undertake comprehensive environmental cleanup and remediation, replace ageing infrastructure and decommission obsolete wellheads and pipelines.
It called on the company to grant unrestricted access to affected communities, regulators and independent observers to ensure transparency throughout the response process.
HOMEF advised NOSDRA to immediately conduct and publicly release the findings of a transparent Joint Investigation Visit, enforce regulatory compliance and supervise the full restoration of affected ecosystems.
The organisation also called on the Delta State Ministry of Environment and other environmental authorities to undertake independent environmental, ecological and public health assessments to determine the full extent of contamination.
Criticising existing regulatory practices, HOMEF said environmental agencies should no longer wait for invitations from oil companies before inspecting pollution sites, describing the approach as outdated and ineffective in delivering environmental justice.
The organisation called on Federal and the Delta State Governments to protect the rights and livelihoods of the people of Uzere by ensuring fair compensation, livelihood restoration and long-term environmental monitoring until the affected ecosystem has fully recovered.
HOMEF said timely intervention is essential to prevent the disaster from escalating into a wider humanitarian and environmental crisis, particularly as floodwaters threaten to spread oil pollution across rivers, wetlands, farms and fishing grounds in one of the Niger Delta’s historic oil-producing communities.

We’re Ready To Tackle Floods Anywhere In Nigeria, NEMA Boasts; Establishes Central Flood Monitoring Hub

Greenbarge Reporters

August 5, 2026

The National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) has established a central hub for monitoring and coordinating flood response across the country with the activation of its National Emergency Operations Centre (NEOC) for the 2026 rainy season.
The initiative, according to the Agency, is aimed at strengthening the collection, processing and dissemination of reliable flood-related information to improve national preparedness, facilitate early response and enhance coordination among agencies involved in disaster management.
Speaking during the inauguration of members of the Centre at the NEMA Headquarters in Abuja, the Director General of the Agency, Mrs. Zubaida Umar said that the NEOC would serve as the country’s central platform for monitoring flood developments and supporting coordinated response efforts throughout the rainy season.
She explained that the Centre would harmonise information from relevant sources and provide timely, accurate and reliable data to support planning, decision-making and the deployment of emergency resources to vulnerable communities.
Mrs. Umar urged members of the Centre to discharge their responsibilities with diligence, professionalism and commitment, stressing that credible information remains vital for effective management of flooding and other climate-induced disasters.
According to her, the establishment of the NEOC forms part of NEMA’s proactive strategy to strengthen national preparedness and improve collaboration among stakeholders in responding to the anticipated impacts of the 2026 rainy season.
She said that timely access to verified information would enable authorities to take early action, safeguard lives and livelihoods, and minimise the impact of flooding across affected communities.
Also speaking at the inauguration, NEMA’s Deputy Director of Planning, Research and Forecasting, Tony Ephraim said that members of the Centre would work diligently to ensure effective monitoring, data collection, analysis and information management in support of coordinated responses to flood emergencies and other climate-relate
The National Emergency Operations Centre is expected to function throughout the rainy season as the country’s central flood monitoring and information management hub, supporting collaboration among emergency responders and other critical stakeholders in mitigating the impact of floods nationwide.

Extraordinary Journey Of Lt. Gen. Salihu, From Boy Soldier, (Tribute) By Abdulkarim Abdulmalik

Greenbarge Reporters

August 3, 2026

History often remembers military leaders for the battles they fought or the commands they held. Yet, behind every decorated uniform is usually a story of discipline, perseverance and an unwavering commitment to service. Few Nigerian military officers embodied that journey as completely as Lieutenant General Salihu Ireyi Ibrahim (1943–2018), whose remarkable rise from a young boy in military school to the pinnacle of the Nigerian Army remains one of the country’s most inspiring leadership stories.
For many Nigerians, Lt. Gen. Salihu Ibrahim is remembered simply as a former Chief of Army Staff. But to students of military history, his life represents something much deeper: proof that excellence, hard work and integrity can carry an individual from humble beginnings to the highest levels of national service.
The journey began in the mid-1950s when a young Salihu Ibrahim enrolled at the Boys Company in Zaria, an institution that would later become the renowned Nigerian Military School (NMS). It was there that the foundation of military discipline, leadership and patriotism was laid.

One historic photograph taken in May 1960 captures a defining moment of that journey. Wearing the rank of Boy Corporal (B/Cpl), NA/18151105 Salihu Ibrahim had just completed his Passing Out Parade as a member of the 3rd and 4th Platoons of the 1956 Set. To many observers at the parade, he was simply another promising young graduate preparing for military life. Few could have imagined that the teenager would eventually become one of the most accomplished officers in Nigeria’s history.
The discipline instilled at Boys Company proved to be only the beginning. Soon after graduating, Salihu Ibrahim became a member of the pioneer intake of the newly established Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) under Regular Course 1. This was a defining moment not only for him but also for Nigeria’s post-independence military development.
The NDA was designed to produce a new generation of Nigerian officers capable of leading the nation’s armed forces after independence. As one of its earliest cadets, Salihu Ibrahim embraced the challenge with uncommon determination.
His brilliance quickly became evident.
He emerged as the Academy’s very first Junior Under Officer (JUO), the highest-ranking cadet appointment, comparable to the head boy in civilian schools. The appointment reflected the confidence his instructors and colleagues had in his leadership qualities, discipline and character.
Even more remarkably, he graduated as the overall best cadet of his course. In recognition of this exceptional achievement, he became the first recipient of the NDA’s prestigious Sword of Honour, an award reserved for the cadet who best exemplifies military excellence, leadership and professionalism.
That singular achievement would become the first of several “firsts” that defined his extraordinary career.
As Nigeria’s military evolved through periods of political transition, internal security challenges and professional reforms, Salihu Ibrahim steadily rose through the ranks. Unlike many whose careers were defined primarily by public visibility, he earned respect through competence, strategic thinking and a calm, professional approach to leadership.
His progression demonstrated that military leadership is not built overnight. It is the cumulative product of years of training, operational experience, discipline and continuous learning.
One of the very proud moments of his career came when he returned to his alma mater—not as a student, but as Commandant of the Nigerian Defence Academy. The appointment made history. He became the first graduate of the NDA to head the institution that had produced him.
The symbolism was powerful.
For cadets marching across the Academy’s parade ground, the Commandant standing before them had once passed through the same classrooms, undergone the same drills and faced the same demanding standards. His story became living proof that the Academy could produce leaders capable of reaching the very zenith of military service.
Yet another milestone awaited him.
Lt. Gen. Salihu Ibrahim would eventually become the first alumnus of the Nigerian Defence Academy to be appointed Chief of Army Staff of the Nigerian Army. It was an achievement that reflected not only personal excellence but also the growing maturity of Nigeria’s indigenous military training institutions.
His appointment reinforced confidence in the NDA as a world-class institution capable of producing officers of exceptional quality and leadership.
Throughout his distinguished career, colleagues adoringly described him as “a soldier’s soldier”—a phrase reserved for officers who command respect not merely because of rank but because they embody the highest traditions of military professionalism. Such officers lead by example, value discipline above personal ambition and place service before self.
Those qualities defined Salihu Ibrahim’s approach to leadership.
While military organisations naturally operate away from the public spotlight, the influence of leaders like him extends beyond barracks and battlefields. They shape institutions, mentor younger officers and build traditions that endure long after retirement.
His career also carries an important lesson for the Nigerian youth.
In an era where success is characteristically measured by instant fame or quick rewards, Salihu Ibrahim’s life reminds us that lasting achievement is usually the result of patience, consistency and years of disciplined effort. Every historic milestone he attained was built upon an earlier foundation: from Boys Company to the NDA, from junior appointments to strategic command positions, and finally to the highest office in the Nigerian Army.
For Kogi State, his accomplishments remain a source of enduring pride. He stands among the state’s distinguished sons whose contributions reached the national stage, demonstrating that talent and dedication could emerge from every corner of Nigeria.
His legacy also belongs to generations of students at the Nigerian Military School and cadets of the Nigerian Defence Academy. Every young recruit who marches across those parade grounds could read and assimilate his story as evidence that no dream is too ambitious when supported by discipline, integrity and hard work.
Lt. Gen. Salihu Ireyi Ibrahim passed died in 2018, but his legacy continues to resonate wherever military excellence is celebrated. His life was more than a succession of promotions or appointments; it was a testament to the transformative power of education, mentorship, professionalism and patriotic service.
From a young Boy Corporal standing proudly on parade in Zaria in 1960 to becoming Chief of Army Staff decades later, his journey traced the evolution of modern Nigeria’s military itself.
Beyond becoming an Army Chief, his greatest achievements was demonstrating that genuine leadership is earned step by step, through character, competence and unwavering commitment to duty. That is why, years after his passing, Lt. Gen. Salihu Ibrahim remains not merely a distinguished military officer but an enduring symbol of excellence whose remarkable story deserves a permanent place in Nigeria’s national memory.

– Abdulkarim Abdulmalik is an Abuja-based Journalist. Email: nowmalik@gmail.com

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