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August 2026 Attained World’s Hottest Month; Temperatures Crossed 1.5°C – European Centre

The world experienced one of the most extreme months in the modern climate record in August 2026, as global temperatures climbed 1.65°C above pre-industrial levels, while ocean temperatures reached unprecedented highs amid a rapidly strengthening El Niño.
The Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S), implemented by the European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts (ECMWF), said August was the joint-warmest month ever recorded globally, tying with July 2023.
The development has renewed concerns over the accelerating impacts of climate change, particularly as extreme heat, drought, wildfires and disruptions to ecosystems and water systems become increasingly widespread.
According to C3S, August 2026 recorded a global average surface air temperature of 16.96°C, which was 0.85°C above the 1991–2020 average. It surpassed the previous joint record for August set in 2023 and 2024.
More significantly, the month was 1.65°C warmer than the estimated 1850–1900 pre-industrial average, making it the first month since November 2025 in which global temperatures exceeded the 1.5°C threshold.
The August figure was less than 0.01°C above July 2023, making the two months effectively tied for the highest global monthly temperature in the ERA5 record, which extends back to 1940.
Samantha Burgess, Strategic Lead for Climate at ECMWF, described the development as a “remarkable month” in the global climate record.
She said the combination of temperatures above 1.5°C, record sea surface temperatures and an exceptionally warm summer in western Europe demonstrated how climate change was driving extreme conditions in both the atmosphere and oceans.
C3S reported that the average sea surface temperature across the extra-polar oceans, between 60°S and 60°N, reached 21.07°C in August — the highest August value on record and the joint-highest monthly value for any month, matching the record set in March 2024.
On August 24 and 25, daily average sea surface temperatures reached a new record of 21.11°C, exceeding the previous record of 21.09°C recorded in March 2024.
C3S attributed the exceptionally high ocean temperatures partly to rapidly developing El Niño conditions in the equatorial Pacific, although widespread unusually warm waters in other ocean basins also contributed to the record.
The agency said sea surface temperatures in large parts of the tropical Pacific continued to reach record levels, with El Niño conditions expected to intensify into the coming months and potentially become one of the strongest such events on record.
El Niño is a naturally occurring climate pattern characterised by unusually warm sea surface temperatures in the central and eastern tropical Pacific. While it is a natural phenomenon, its effects are occurring against a backdrop of long-term human-induced global warming caused primarily by the accumulation of greenhouse gases from fossil-fuel use and other activities.
The strengthening El Niño is particularly significant for countries whose agriculture, water resources, energy systems and economies are highly sensitive to changes in rainfall and temperature.
In Nigeria, the Nigerian Meteorological Agency (NiMet) said in its August 2026 seasonal climate update that observations showed the onset of a strong El Niño event, which was expected to influence global climate patterns during the August-to-October period.
NiMet’s 2026 Seasonal Climate Prediction had already warned that temperatures were likely to be above normal across most parts of Nigeria, while rainfall patterns could vary considerably across the country. The agency’s seasonal forecasts are intended to support decision-making in agriculture, disaster management, water resources and other climate-sensitive sectors.
For Nigeria and other African countries, experts say such climate signals underline the importance of strengthening early-warning systems, climate information services and preparedness measures, particularly for farming communities and vulnerable populations.
The extreme global temperatures were reflected dramatically in Europe.
C3S said western Europe experienced its warmest summer on record during June–August 2026, surpassing the previous record set in 2003.
The average summer temperature across the western European region reached 21.69°C, which was 2.54°C above the 1991–2020 average.
The region experienced a succession of unusually early, persistent and intense heatwaves beginning in May, while widespread dryness affected western, central and eastern Europe.
Severe drought conditions were reported in France, the United Kingdom, Hungary, Romania and Serbia, while major rivers including the Rhine, Danube, Southern Bug and Dnieper recorded exceptionally low flows.
C3S said the combination of heat and dryness created conditions favourable to wildfires and placed additional pressure on water resources, agriculture, ecosystems and communities.
The climate extremes also contributed to worsening wildfire conditions in parts of the world.
According to the Copernicus Atmosphere Monitoring Service, conditions associated with the strengthening El Niño favoured the intensification of seasonal wildfires in Indonesia, with smoke from the fires affecting atmospheric conditions beyond the immediate region.
The development is another illustration of how climate drivers can interact with local weather and environmental conditions to amplify risks.
A warning beyond the 1.5°C threshold
Climate scientists stress that a single month above 1.5°C should not be interpreted as the Paris Agreement’s long-term temperature limit having been permanently breached.
The Paris Agreement’s 1.5°C goal concerns long-term global warming, generally assessed over much longer periods rather than an individual month.
Nevertheless, the August record is significant because it illustrates the increasingly warm baseline from which individual weather and climate extremes are occurring.
C3S reported that the average global temperature for the 12 months from September 2025 to August 2026 was 1.48°C above the 1850–1900 pre-industrial level. It also said January–August 2026 currently ranks as the second-warmest such period on record, behind 2024.
The agency further noted that forecasts indicate the 2026 El Niño could strengthen beyond the 2023 event, raising the potential for exceptionally high global temperatures during the remaining months of the year.
For countries such as Nigeria, where millions depend on climate-sensitive sectors including agriculture, fisheries and livestock, the latest global temperature figures reinforce the need to translate climate forecasts into practical early action.
The challenge, therefore, is no longer simply documenting temperature records, but preparing communities, governments and businesses for the increasingly severe consequences of a warming planet.

Our Vision To Support humanity Remains Unwavery, Azza In Da’awa Foundation Chairman, Zaik Vows

Chairman of Azza in Da’wah Foundation (ADF), a None Governmental Organization, Alhaji Zaik Mohammed Eshi has vowed to be committed to the vision of the Foundation.
Speaking at the second anniversary of the Foundation at its headquarter in Kuje, Abuja, Zaik Mohammed Eshi said: “We will remain committed to the vision of ADF, particularly selfless service to orphans, widows, indigent families, the sick and other less privileged members of the society.
“We started with limited resources, but with great faith in Allah and a strong determination to make a positive difference, we have within these two years, according to our financial capacity, carried out various humanitarian and charitable activities.
“We have extended assistance to widows and vulnerable persons. We have supported charitable and religious causes.”
Zaik Mohammed Eshi recalled that during the Holy Month of Ramadan and other important periods, the Foundation shared what Allah provided it with to those in need. “ADF has severally assisted widows, contributed to mosque constructions, supplied mosque speakers and inverters, fencing of graveyards and so on and so forth.
“Recently, members of ADF visited Kuje General Hospital where they identified patients with dire needs undergoing medical treatment and supported them with financial tokens.”

…ADF members
ADF boss said that arrangements have been completed towards supporting the education of the vulnerable pupils through the Foundation’s Exercise Books Distribution Programme for orphans and indigent pupils in primary schools.
“These achievements may appear small when compared with the enormous challenges around us, but let us remember this: to the person who receives help at a critical moment, that assistance can mean hope, relief and a new beginning.
“That is the heart of ADF: Giving hope. Supporting humanity. Serving for the sake of Allah (SWT).”
Zaik Mohammed Eshi asked members to be conscious of the fact that the journey ahead of them is still far from being over, adding: “there are still many orphans who need our support.There are widows who need assistance.There are children who need support for their education.There are patients who cannot afford medical treatment.There are families struggling to survive.
“So, our second anniversary must be more than a celebration. It must also be a call to greater responsibility and greater service.
“As we enter our third year, we must ask ourselves: What more can we do? How can we reach more people? How can we strengthen ADF? How can we attract more members, donors and partners?
“The answers lie in our unity, commitment and collective sacrifice.”

Nigerian National Assembly Declares South Africa No-Go Area, Protests Over Xenophobic Attacks

National Assembly Complex

The Leadership of the National Assembly has announced formal suspension of all official visits to the Republic of South Africa, including the boycotting of South African-hosted or South African-organised legislative activities and engagements until further notice.
The directive to the Clerk to the National Assembly to communicate the decision to all the Senators, members, Committees, departments, directorates, officials and staff of the National Assembly, came today, September 11, against the backdrop of the continuing xenophobic attacks, violence, intimidation, destruction of property and other forms of hostility directed at Nigerians and other African nationals resident in that country.
In the communication conveying the decision of the Leadership, the Clerk to the National Assembly, Kamoru Ogunlana, expressed the grave concern of the National Assembly over reports of Nigerians being killed, injured, displaced and compelled to abandon their businesses, investments, homes and other properties as a result of recurring violent attacks.
He said that a particular concern to the National Assembly is the persistence of these incidents despite repeated appeals by the Federal Government of Nigeria and other stakeholders to the South African authorities to take decisive measures to protect Nigerians and other foreign nationals and bring perpetrators of xenophobic violence to justice.
“The National Assembly equally acknowledges the interventions of the Federal Government and other stakeholders, including efforts to assist affected Nigerians and facilitate the evacuation of Nigerian nationals from South Africa. These interventions underscore the seriousness of the situation and the responsibility of institutions of the Nigerian state to safeguard the lives, dignity and legitimate interests of Nigerian citizens.”
According to the Clerk, following consultations between the Leadership of both Chambers, “the National Assembly has resolved to suspend all official visits to the Republic of South Africa and to boycott South African-hosted or South African-organised legislative activities and engagements until further notice.”
The directive provides as follows:
a. All official visits to the Republic of South Africa by the National Assembly, its Committees, lawmakers, officials and staff are hereby suspended;
b. All participation by the National Assembly, its Committees, lawmakers, officials and staff in legislative activities, conferences, seminars, workshops, meetings, exchanges or other engagements organised, hosted, sponsored or co-sponsored by the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa or other South African legislative authorities is hereby suspended;
c. The suspension shall apply to both physical and virtual/online engagements, including invitations to participate in meetings, programmes, parliamentary exchanges and other legislative activities hosted from or by South African legislative institutions;
d. No official delegation, Committee, lawmaker, official or staff member of the National Assembly shall undertake or participate in any such engagement during the period of the suspension without the prior express approval of the Leadership of the National Assembly; and
e. All existing arrangements, invitations or proposed programmes involving official visits or legislative engagements in South Africa shall be reviewed in accordance with this directive.
“As the institution constitutionally representing Nigerians, the National Assembly cannot ignore persistent attacks on citizens abroad. “Reports of Nigerians killed, injured, displaced or forced to abandon businesses, investments, homes and property require a parliamentary response.
“This decision is a firm, measured response to threats to Nigerians’ safety, dignity and welfare. While parliamentary diplomacy and inter-legislative cooperation remain important, they must rest on mutual respect and a shared commitment to protecting life, property and lawful enterprise.”
The National Assembly clarified that this decision does not undermine Nigeria’s longstanding historical, diplomatic and people-to-people relations with South Africa.
“Rather, it is a strong expression of concern over the safety, dignity and welfare of Nigerians living and conducting legitimate businesses in South Africa.”
It called on the Government of the Republic of South Africa to take urgent and concrete measures to protect Nigerians and other African nationals, prevent further xenophobic attacks, thoroughly investigate reported incidents, arrest suspected perpetrators and ensure that those found culpable are prosecuted in accordance with the law.
“Protecting law-abiding foreign nationals and prosecuting those responsible for criminal attacks are fundamental obligations under the rule of law and essential to sustaining confidence and goodwill between both countries and their peoples.”
The National Assembly also urged the Leadership of the State Houses of Assembly across the Federation to take note of this decision and consider similar action.

GOCOP To Institute Dotun Oladipo Prize For Online Journalism, To Honour Late Emeritus President

The Guild of Corporate Online Publishers (GOCOP) has announced plan to institute the Dotun Oladipo Prize for Online Journalism in memory of its former president.
The Deputy President of the Guild, Olumide Iyanda, announced the initiative on behalf of the Guild yesterday, September 10, at the service of songs for Oladipo at Regal Hall, Daystar Christian Centre, Oregun, Lagos.
“I wish to announce, on behalf of our President, the Executive Committee and the entire membership of GOCOP, our intention to institute the Dotun Oladipo Prize for Online Journalism.
“The prize will recognise outstanding online journalism in Nigeria and keep alive the values Dotun represented as a journalist, publisher and leader. The details will be worked out by the Guild in due course.”
Oladipo died on August 25 at the age of 56. He was a founding member of GOCOP and served as president of the Guild from 2017 to 2021. He was also the publisher of The Eagle Online, a position he held until his death.
Iyanda said that Oladipo remained active in the affairs of the Guild after completing his tenure as president.
“At the time he died, he was Chairman of the GOCOP Constitution Review Committee and was arranging accommodation for members coming from outside Lagos for our annual conference in October.
“That was Dotun for you. He could be involved in the big decisions and still worry about where a colleague would sleep,” Iyanda said.
He recalled that Oladipo had planned on the morning of his death to sign a guarantor’s form for a GOCOP member travelling outside the country, but that “he never got to sign it.
“Even on his last day, Dotun was thinking about what he could do for somebody else,” he said.
Iyanda described Oladipo as “a major artery of GOCOP. He was our dealmaker, our peacemaker and our joy giver.”
On behalf of GOCOP President Danlami Nmodu, the Executive Committee and members of the Guild, Iyanda extended condolences to Oladipo’s wife, Taiwo, their children and the entire family.
“To Taiwo and the children, thank you for sharing Dotun with us all these years. We know that the time he gave to GOCOP, his friends and so many other people was also time that belonged to you,”
Iyanda said that GOCOP would continue to remember Oladipo for his service to the Guild and support for its members.
“We cannot replace him. We can only remember him and try to be there for others the way he was there for us.
“Dotun cared a lot. And he carried a lot. Sometimes too much.
“We will miss our President Emeritus terribly.”
Among those at the service were Enugu State Commissioner for Information and pioneer GOCOP president Malachy Agbo, immediate past GOCOP president Maureen Chigbo, former Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE) president and former presidential spokesman Femi Adesina, former NGE president and former Osun State Commissioner for Information Funke Egbemode, former NGE president and Provost of the Nigerian Institute of Journalism Gbenga Adefaye, incumbent NGE president Eze Anaba and Vice President of the International Press Institute,IPI Nigeria, Fidelis Mba.

2027: Shettima And The Northern Equation, By Abdulkarim Abdulmalik

There is a dangerous assumption in Nigerian political discourse: that the North is a single electoral constituency waiting to be captured by whoever produces a Northern running mate. The reality is far more complicated. Northern voters are diverse, politically conscious and increasingly concerned about the tangible consequences of government policies. They want security. They want food on the table. They want jobs, functioning schools, roads, electricity and opportunities for their children.
This is precisely why Kashim Shettima matters to the All Progressives Congress (APC). His greatest political asset is not that he can magically deliver Northern Nigeria to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Rather, it is that he has the experience and political capacity to help the APC compete credibly in a region where the election could be decided by issues rather than sentiment.
Shettima’s political journey gives him an unusual combination of local authenticity and national exposure. He understands Borno. He understands the North-East. But after serving as governor, senator and vice-president, he also understands Abuja.
This combination is politically useful. He can interpret Northern concerns to the Federal Government while explaining Federal Government policies to Northern citizens. In political terms, he is a two-way bridge. And this may be his greatest value in 2027.
Shettima’s governorship of Borno occurred during a period of profound insecurity. That experience could have left him defined solely by the crisis. Instead, it became part of his political education. He learnt the language of emergency governance, reconstruction, security coordination and community resilience.
Those lessons are relevant to today’s Northern challenges. The APC can therefore present Shettima not merely as someone who comes from the North, but as someone who has governed through some of the North’s most difficult moments. That is a considerably stronger political proposition.
The greatest challenge to the APC in 2027 may not be opposition rhetoric. It may be household economics. Voters judge government through lived experience.
A policy that looks impressive in Abuja but produces no discernible improvement in the life of a farmer, trader or young graduate will struggle to generate electoral enthusiasm.
Shettima’s opportunity is to help close that communication gap. He can explain reforms. But he can also insist that reforms must eventually produce results.
This is important because effective political communication is not propaganda. It is the ability to connect policy with people’s reality.
This, if the APC can demonstrate concrete improvements in agriculture, infrastructure, employment and security, Shettima will be well positioned to communicate those gains in the North.
The North-East gives Shettima a natural starting point. He is one of its most recognisable national political figures.
The public mobilisation of North-Eastern political leaders around the Tinubu-Shettima ticket provides evidence of a potentially useful political foundation. But the real opportunity is to move from elite consensus to grassroots confidence.
The APC must ask a simple question in every Northern community: What has changed?
Where there is progress, it should be documented. Where problems remain, they should be acknowledged. Where programmes are incomplete, timelines should be communicated.
Shettima can help make that conversation credible because he understands the region’s political and social vocabulary.
Shettima’s challenge will be to expand his influence beyond his home region. The North-West has a different political history and a different electoral culture. The North-Central has its own complex combination of ethnic, religious, agricultural and security concerns.
He cannot approach these regions with a one-size-fits-all strategy. However, his national political experience gives him the capacity to adapt.
The Vice President can engage each region on its own terms while maintaining a common national message. That is precisely what successful coalition politics requires.
The Muslim-Muslim ticket will remain part of the political conversation. But Shettima possesses a potential answer that is more powerful than political argument: conduct.
If the Vice President continues to promote national unity, religious tolerance and inclusive governance, he can help the APC demonstrate that the ticket is not a declaration of religious supremacy. The presidency belongs constitutionally to all Nigerians.
That principle should be visible in governance. And Shettima is in a particularly strong position to articulate it.
Northern Nigeria has one of the country’s youngest populations. This makes young voters critical to the 2027 election.
The APC cannot depend entirely on traditional political structures. Young Nigerians want opportunities, digital connectivity, education, entrepreneurship and meaningful participation.
Shettima’s relatively contemporary communication style and national visibility give him an opportunity to engage this demographic. But again, engagement must go beyond speeches. The party must present measurable opportunities.
Where policy produces results, Shettima can become one of its strongest communicators.
No presidential election is won by an individual. It is won through thousands of political relationships operating across wards, local governments and states.
Shettima’s years in government have given him access to an extensive network of governors, legislators, traditional rulers, party leaders, business figures and community stakeholders. That network is an asset.
Used intelligently, it can help the APC identify local grievances before they become political crises. It can also help the presidency communicate directly with communities.
The strongest argument for Shettima is therefore not emotional. It is strategic.
He gives Tinubu a running mate who understands the North but has spent enough time at the centre to understand the whole country.
He has governed. He has legislated. He has negotiated. He has communicated. He has survived political adversity. And he has demonstrated loyalty to the presidential partnership. These qualities will matter in an election likely to be fiercely contested.
Against this backdrop, Shettima could help transform the party’s Northern strategy from “Vote for us because our vice-president is from here” to “Vote for us because we understand your concerns and have a credible record and plan for addressing them.”
That may sound a harder argument, but it is also a more durable one. This could help the APC make it convincingly and thus, underscoring Shettima’s political contribution to Tinubu-Shettima’s 2027 re-election.

– Abdulkarim Abdulmalik is an Abuja-based Journalist. Email: nowmalik@gmail.com

Adoke At 63: A Public Servant Who Refused To Be Defined By Controversy, By Abdulkarim Abdulmalik

At 63, Mohammed Bello Adoke, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) has earned something that does not come easily to many Nigerians who have passed through the turbulent corridors of public service: the opportunity to look back at a long career and tell his own story with the benefit of time, experience and, ultimately, vindication.
Born on September 1, 1963, in Jos, Plateau State, and a native of Kogi State, Adoke’s journey has taken him from the lecture halls of Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, to the Nigerian Bar, the courtroom, the Federal Ministry of Justice and some of the most important international legal institutions in the world.
It is a journey marked by achievement, responsibility, controversy and resilience.
But if there is one thread that runs through his public life, it is his enduring belief in the power of law.
Adoke was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1986 after obtaining his legal education at Ahmadu Bello University. He subsequently pursued further studies and professional exposure at institutions including Oxford and Leiden, adding an international dimension to his legal training.
He later established M.A. Bello & Co., where he developed a legal practice with particular interests in arbitration and corporate law.
Those years in private practice helped shape the lawyer who would eventually enter the highest levels of government.
In 2010, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed Adoke Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice.
It was an appointment that placed him at the centre of Nigeria’s legal and political affairs at a particularly challenging period.
The Attorney General’s office is one of the most consequential positions in government. Its occupant must provide legal advice to the Federal Government, represent the state in important legal matters and navigate the delicate relationship between politics, public policy and the rule of law. Adoke served in that position until 2015.
For five years, his decisions and responsibilities were subjected to the intense scrutiny that accompanies high public office. His tenure included some of the most contentious legal and commercial issues of the period.
Yet, beyond the political headlines, his career also reflected a wider commitment to legal practice and international engagement.
Adoke’s professional footprint extended well beyond Nigeria. His involvement with the United Nations International Law Commission placed him among legal experts contributing to the development and codification of international law.
He also served as President of the Asian-African Legal Consultative Organization, giving him an opportunity to participate in legal and diplomatic conversations extending across two continents.
For a Nigerian lawyer, such responsibilities represent considerable professional recognition. They also demonstrate that Adoke’s career cannot be reduced to his years in government or to the controversies that accompanied them.
Perhaps the most difficult chapter of Adoke’s public life was the controversy surrounding the Malabu Oil transaction involving OPL 245.
The transaction generated years of allegations, investigations and legal proceedings, with Adoke facing corruption charges brought by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission.
Throughout the controversy, however, he maintained his innocence. The matter became a defining battle over his reputation and public legacy.
Adoke’s eventual legal victory in the case became an important turning point. The court’s decision in his favour provided him with the vindication he had long sought and fundamentally changed the context in which the allegations against him should be viewed.
For the former Attorney General, the legal battle was not merely about a criminal allegation. It was also about reputation—the reputation of a lawyer who had spent decades building a professional identity before becoming a public official.
The experience demonstrated one of the most difficult realities of public service: allegations can be made in moments, while restoring one’s reputation can take years.
Adoke chose to fight.
He also chose to document his experience. His memoir, Burden of Service, offers his personal account of his years in government, the decisions he made, the pressures he encountered and the controversies that followed his tenure.
At 63, therefore, Adoke’s story is not simply the story of a former Attorney General. It is the story of a professional who has experienced virtually every dimension of a distinguished legal career.
He has been a courtroom lawyer, corporate counsel, arbitrator, Senior Advocate, public servant, cabinet minister and international legal personality.
He has also experienced the less glamorous side of public life—the accusations, investigations, media scrutiny and the long wait for judicial determination.
His experience offers an important lesson about the place of due process in a democratic society. Public figures should be scrutinised. Government decisions should be questioned. Public officials should be held accountable.
But allegations are not convictions, and accusations should not become substitutes for judicial determination.
Adoke’s experience reinforces that principle.
At 63, there is still much more to the Adoke story. His contribution to Nigeria’s legal profession, his years as Attorney General, his international engagements and his eventual legal vindication will continue to generate debate among lawyers, scholars, journalists and students of Nigerian public administration.
But perhaps the most compelling dimension of his journey is resilience.
He left government carrying both achievements and controversies.
He confronted the allegations that followed him. He went to court and he emerged victorious. That victory does not erase the controversies of the past, but it provides an important judicial context for assessing them.
Today, as Mohammed Bello Adoke marks his 63rd birthday, the occasion is therefore more than a celebration of age.
It is a celebration of professional accomplishment. It is also a reminder that, in a democracy governed by law, the final word belongs not to rumours, headlines or political narratives, but to the courts.
For a man whose professional life has been built around the law, perhaps there could be no more fitting birthday reflection.
At 63, Mohammed Bello Adoke stands as a lawyer whose journey has traversed the courtroom, the corridors of government and the international legal arena—and whose story, despite its difficult chapters, continues to be written.

This Is A Road Map For Better Kogi Central, By Abdullahi A. Bello (right of reply)

I refer to the write up by Yusuf Ozi-Usman and Published today, September 1, 2026, on this Greenbarge Reporters online newspaper platform and wish to thank you for your deep thoughts, full of wisdom.
You have, indeed, provided a road map for better Kogi Central and for the entire State generally.
Our setbacks in the Senatorial District lie in the fact that many of the present political actors do not show any links whatsoever between them and Egbira Land. Not even in the immediate community that raised them from cradle.
For instance, how can any reasonable excuse be given for the non-availability of portable drinking water in a small place like Agassa community, for the eight years that former Governor Yahaya Bello was in charge of the State? That is a place in which he was born and grew up? How? And where is the love for community and the locals with whom he shared his early life sojourn?
Additionally, what exactly is the condition of Upogoro community where the current Governor, Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo lived his early life? Is there any portable water provided for the people in that small enclave? This is even granting the excuse that providing portable water for Okene Local Government Area and or the whole of Egbira land is too large for them.
Where is the love and sense of attachment between these two individuals on the one hand, and the rest of Kogi Central in the area of the provision of basic needs since the past 13 years?
This is a confirmation that, really, we have serious problems on our hands. My dear brother, this is a big challenge we are facing.
Thanks once again for your incisive works that have provided a basis for this debate on good governance.
Highest regards always.

Rt Hon. Abdullahi A. Bello Ph.D, was once an Acting Governor of Kogi State and former substantive Speaker of the Kogi State House of Assembly.

Kogi Central: Breaking The Stumbling Blocks To Eldorado, By Yusuf Ozi-Usman

Thirty-five years after Kogi assumed the status of a full fledged State, the Central Senatorial District of it still carries on as if nothing has happened because virtually, very little good things have changed. The state was created on August 27, 1991 by the government of military President General Ibrahim Babangida.
No doubt, Kogi Central Senatorial District, comprising of Okene, Okehi, Adavi, Ajaokuta, Ogori/Magongo Local Government Areas, had before and after the creation of the state, enormous human, agricultural, mineral, industrial and cultural resources. Yet, its transformation has not matched its potentials.
A serious discussion of its development in the present political context, must go beyond roads and government projects. It should necessarily examine governance, human capital, economic structure, politics, culture, institutions, infrastructure, security and the relationship between the district and the wider Nigerian economy.
To be sure, Kogi Central possesses considerable agricultural land, mineral resources, commercial centres, a large youthful population, strong entrepreneurial traditions and the enormous industrial promise represented by Ajaokuta and the surrounding metallurgical/mineral belt. Yet the paradox is striking. It presents a picture of a district that is endowed with people and resources but continues to struggle with infrastructure deficits, unemployment, inadequate industrialisation, weak local economic systems, poverty, poor rural connectivity, inadequate healthcare, educational shortcomings and insufficient value addition to its natural resources. The problem is therefore not simply that Kogi Central lacks resources. Rather, the central question is why have the district’s enormous resources not been converted rapidly enough into sustainable prosperity for its people?

The answer lies in a combination of structural, institutional, political, economic and social factors.
One is however, not unaware of the recent government’s documents that show the State as having put substantial resources into capital expenditure and identified agriculture, healthcare, education, roads and infrastructure as priorities. The 2026 approved budget for example, provides more than ₦455 billion for capital expenditure, including about ₦25 billion for agriculture. However, what the Kogi Central, in particular needs at this particular time, against the background of the campaign for the 2027 senatorial seat is what one would like to call “the unity of purpose” and indeed, a declaration that: “Kogi Central First” by all the political gladiators, without exception.
There’s no shying away from the fact that the wind of bitter political rivalry is looming between the camp of former Governor Yahaya Adoza Bello of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the incumbent Senator, Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). What may be missing is the need for a development-oriented united front that puts the interests of Kogi Central above political differences. Such a united front does not necessarily mean that either person must abandon his or her political party, ambition or supporters. It means agreeing that development issues should not become casualties of political competition. The district needs a development strategy that transcends individual politicians, political parties and electoral cycles.
The major point is that politics should end where development begins, believing that the greatest mistake Kogi Central can make is to allow political disagreements between prominent leaders to become permanent divisions among the people.
Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan and former Governor Yahaya Bello have different political identities and constituencies, commanding considerable political attention. Instead of their supporters spending all their energy attacking one another, their political structures could compete peacefully while cooperating on issues that affect everybody. The question should not be: “Who is stronger?” but should be
“What can we achieve together for Kogi Central?”
A Development Compact should be established. It should be coined “Kogi Central Development Compact” (KCDC), involving representatives of
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan’s political structure and
Yahaya Bello’s political structure. It should also be made up of other political parties and tendencies, traditional rulers, religious leaders, youth organisations, women organisations, professional associations, business leaders, farmers, labour unions, civil society organisations, local government representatives, Ebira cultural institutions and Non-Ebira communities living in the district
The compact should identify 10–15 priority projects and pursue them regardless of who wins future elections. Ajaokuta must become a central economic priority. The Steel Complex should be treated not merely as a political slogan but as a long-term economic project for Kogi Central and Nigeria.
A united front should lobby the Federal Government for full rehabilitation of the development of steel-related industries, industrial parks, skill acquisition centres, technical colleges, rail connectivity, reliable electricity, private-sector investment, mining and mineral-processing industries. The objective should be to transform Ajaokuta from an abandoned industrial dream into an industrial engine for Kogi Central.
Also Kogi Central Economic Development Council (KC-EDC) need to be established as a non-partisan development platform. Its responsibilities should include identifying development priorities, preparing project proposals, attracting investors, engaging the Federal Government, engaging development agencies, mobilising diaspora investment, monitoring government projects, publishing annual development reports, coordinating legislators and local governments and creating a database of investment opportunities.
This would give the district a permanent development institution rather than relying exclusively on whichever politician happens to be in office.
We should be educated enough to know that Kogi Central cannot achieve sustainable development if thousands of young people remain unemployed or underemployed. The united front being sought should be able to establish a Kogi Central Youth Economic Programme (KCYEP), focusing on technology, agriculture, mining, welding and fabrication, automobile repairs, construction, renewable energy, digital skills, entrepreneurship, apprenticeship, small-scale manufacturing.
Ajaokuta’s industrial ecosystem could provide enormous opportunities for technical and vocational training.
Agriculture should receive serious attention. The five Local Government Councils should develop agricultural value chains rather than simply producing crops for consumption. Potential areas include cassava, maize, rice, yam, cashew, soybeans, livestock, poultry, fisheries and food processing. As a matter of fact, roads and transportation development cannot take place where communities remain poorly connected.
The proposed united front should produce a Kogi Central Road Master Plan, identifying federal roads, state roads, local government roads and rural roads as well as industrial access roads and arm-to-market roads.
Rather than politicians making isolated promises, the district should present a unified list of priority roads to Abuja.
The proposed united front should jointly campaign for modernisation of hospitals, primary healthcare centres, maternal health services, Ambulance services, diagnostic centres, specialist medical services, medical laboratories, drug availability, rural health outreach. In other words, healthcare should not be seen as being the sole concern of the APC, PDP or any other political party. This because, for a fact, sickness does not check a person’s party membership before attacking.
There should be, in attempt to move education to the next level, a serious agenda for the renovation of schools, creation of easy scholarship structures, promotion of teacher training, science laboratories, ICT centres, vocational institutions, technical education, University partnerships, adult education and girl-child education. A special Kogi Central Scholarship and Skills Fund could be established through contributions from government, philanthropists, businesses and diaspora organisations.
Women should be at the centre of development. A particularly important advantage of a broad coalition would be the opportunity to mobilise women’s organisations across the district. Women should have access to microfinance
Cooperative societies, market infrastructure, skills acquisition, agricultural financing, digital training, small-business grants and leadership development
This should become one of the areas where Natasha’s political network and other political structures could collaborate without necessarily compromising their political identities.
The two camps should publicly commit themselves to no violence, no intimidation, no destruction of property, no personal attacks, no mobilisation of youths against political opponents and no politics of revenge.
Political competition should be based on ideas, programmes and performances.
The supporters should be told that the two camps and others may disagree politically, but that they are brothers and sisters of Kogi Central. There is the need to create a Kogi Central Elders and Stakeholders Council (KCESC). Respected elders, traditional rulers, religious leaders, professionals and community leaders should provide a neutral platform for dialogue. Its mandate should include conflict prevention, political reconciliation, development advocacy, cultural preservation, youth engagement and peacebuilding. It should help to prevent political disagreements from becoming permanent social divisions.
Natasha’s group and Yahaya Bello’s group should be made to jointly sign a document that should be tagged:
KOGI CENTRAL UNITED DEVELOPMENT AGENDA 2027–2035.
The Agenda should have the following as priorities: Ajaokuta Steel and Industrialisation, Roads and Transportation,
Youth Employment,
Agriculture and Agro-Processing,
Education and Skills Development,
Healthcare Development,
Women and Youth Economic Empowerment,
Mining and Mineral Development,
Digital Economy and Innovation as well as
Peace, Unity and Good Governance,
The document should contain measurable targets rather than political rhetoric.
The two camps should become one development constituency: Natasha supporters should remain Natasha supporters. Yahaya Bello supporters should remain Bello supporters. APC members should remain APC members.
PDP members should remain PDP members.
But when it comes to Ajaokuta, roads, schools, hospitals, employment, agriculture, investment and the welfare of Kogi Central, they should speak with one voice.
That would transform political rivalry from a destructive force into a healthy competition over who can deliver more development.
The general philosophy should be:
Not Yahaya Bello First.
Not Natasha First.
Not APC First.
Not PDP First.
But KOGI CENTRAL FIRST.
The emerging political contest makes this conversation particularly timely. Reports describe the 2027 Senate race as a potential major confrontation between Yahaya Bello and Natasha. It should be ideally made as a deliberate peace-and-development framework for the purpose of attaining more valuable and beneficial benefits to the constituents.
The political rivals from whichever point, need to therefore join hands not necessarily to contest together, but to ensure that Kogi Central’s development is bigger than any individual politician.
Ultimately, the biggest obstacle may not be money. It is the absence of a sufficiently coordinated development culture, for, a district can receive billions of naira and still remain underdeveloped if the money is fragmented into consumption, politically motivated projects, poorly designed programmes and projects without maintenance, whereas another district with fewer resources can achieve remarkable development if it possesses competent leadership;
long-term planning;
accountability;
entrepreneurial culture;
private-sector participation;
skilled citizens;
institutional continuity.
One must insist that Kogi Central is not a district condemned to underdevelopment. Its geographical position, agricultural potential, mineral resources, industrial heritage, youthful population, entrepreneurial people and proximity to Abuja give it exceptional possibilities. The district’s challenge is therefore not primarily a shortage of opportunities, but the failure to consistently convert opportunities into productive economic systems.

Yusuf Ozi-Usman, nipr is Editor-in-chief of Greenbarge Reporters online newspaper and hardcopy magazine, Author of Standard Ebira-English Dictionary and Co-author of Translated Holy Qur’an into Ebira…

Nigeria Requires 18 Million Metric Tonnes Of Maize Annually – Prof. Rabiu Adamu

The Principal Investigator, TELA Maize, in the Institute for Agricultural Research (IAR), Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria, Professor Rabiu Adamu, has said that Nigeria requires about 18 million metric tonnes of maize annually.
According to him, the country is currently producing about 3.6 million metric tonnes against its annual national demand, stressing that the maize remain an important cereal crop in Nigeria.
Professor Rabiu Adamu, who spoke at the TELA Maize Field Day, organized by IAR, in collaboration with the African Agricultural Technology Foundation (AATF) in Zaria, Kaduna State, said that the adoption of high-yielding varieties is essential to closing the production and consumption gap facing the country.
He said that TELA maize has certain attributes, including high yield, improved nutrition, drought tolerance, and resistance to stem borer and fall armyworm, making it suitable for Nigerian farmers across different production environments.
“TELA maize can produce up to nine tonnes per hectare under good agronomic practices, including timely planting, effective weed control and adequate fertiliser application.”
Professor Rabiu Adamu said that some farmers had already harvested about seven tonnes per hectare, equivalent to approximately 70 bags of 100 kilogrammes, under favourable production conditions and good agronomic practices.
He said that research and development on TELA maize commenced at IAR in 2019, while the Federal Government released SAMMAZ 72, SAMMAZ 73 and SAMMAZ 74 varieties to farmers in 2024.
The AATF Programme Manager, Nigeria, Yarama Ndirpaya, said that IAR is a focal partner of the foundation and that both organisations have jointly developed technologies positively impacting farmers across the country.
He said that TELA maize is one of the technologies developed through the partnership, adding that its performance has been remarkable across Nigeria and in other locations where farmers cultivate it.
The programme manager said that the field day was organised to demonstrate that TELA maize was safe for consumption, contrary to some misconceptions about genetically improved agricultural technologies and food products.
Earlier, Professor Adamu Ahmed, Vice-Chancellor, ABU, had said that the event was intended to demonstrate that “TELA maize is safe for consumption, in addition to its resilience and other desirable agronomic attributes for farmers.
Professor Adamu Ahmed, represented by the Deputy Vice-Chancellor, Advancement, Research and Innovation, Professor Aliyu Rafin-Dadi, said that the participants are served several products prepared from TELA maize during the practical demonstration and field event.
“We ate roasted and boiled maize, swallow and masa, among other products, underscoring the essence of the event, which was to dispel rumours and misconceptions surrounding TELA maize.”
The All Farmers Association of Nigeria (AFAN), Kaduna State Chapter, Alhaji Nuhu Aminu, Chairman, said that TELA maize had helped farmers reduce production costs, while improving maize farming efficiency and farm profitability.
He said that the collaboration between IAR and AATF in developing the variety would strengthen maize production, improve farmers’ livelihoods and contribute significantly to national food security and national development.
He said that TELA maize was increasingly demanded by farmers in Kaduna and neighbouring states because of its productivity, resilience and other beneficial characteristics, which were encouraging wider adoption among smallholder farmers.

Engr Muttaqha Rabe And Katsina’s Changing Political Landscape, By Muhammad Abubakar

Katsina has never lacked influential political figures. From the traditional institutions that have long shaped the social order of the ancient Hausa city to the politicians, administrators, intellectuals and technocrats who have occupied positions of authority in the modern state, Katsina’s political history has been defined by the interaction between personalities and institutions across generations.
Occasionally, however, a public figure emerges whose career offers a useful way to understand the changing character of the state itself.
Engineer Muttaqha Rabe Darma, PhD, is one such figure.
His career has crossed several professional and political boundaries. He has been an engineer, academic, youth leader, grassroots politician, administrator, public intellectual, author and senior public servant. He has served at both state and federal levels while maintaining a strong intellectual and emotional connection to Katsina.
His journey has also spanned several important phases of Nigeria’s political development—from the political environment of the late 1980s and 1990s, through the administration of the late Governor Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in Katsina, to his national public-service career and, most recently, his appointment as Minister of Housing and Urban Development.
Darma’s story is therefore more than a personal biography. It is also a lens through which to examine Katsina’s changing political landscape and the evolution of political leadership in the state.
Born in Katsina City on 23 July 1966, Darma began his education at Rafindadi Primary School before proceeding to Government Day Secondary School, K/Yandaka. He later attended Bayero University, Kano, where he earned a Bachelor of Engineering degree in Mechanical Engineering with Second Class Upper Division in 1989.
His pursuit of education continued. He obtained an MBA from Bayero University in 1994 and later earned a master’s degree in Engineering, specialising in Production, from the University of Benin.
The combination of qualifications was significant. Mechanical engineering provided technical training, while business administration and production engineering broadened his understanding of management, industry and organisational systems.
That multidisciplinary background would later become evident in his approach to public administration and development.
The official profile published by the Petroleum Technology Development Fund describes him as a grassroots politician and youth leader, as well as a former university don.
His intellectual interests have since extended well beyond engineering.
Darma has written extensively on governance, development, youth, peace, political leadership and the future of Katsina State. His published works include a multi-volume project on pathways to making Katsina great again, including Pathways to Greatness: The Katsina State of the Future and Pathway to Good Governance.
These works reveal an important dimension of his public life: his engagement with Katsina is not limited to political mobilisation. It is also intellectual and developmental.
Before attaining senior government positions, Darma was involved in youth and grassroots political activities.
This part of his background is important to understanding his political outlook.
The Nigerian political environment in which he came of age was dominated by established political structures and older political figures. His involvement in youth leadership gave him an early opportunity to understand political organisation, mobilisation and community interests from the grassroots.
His activities also included advocacy for the creation of additional local governments in Katsina State. The PTDF profile identifies him as chairman and convener of the Movement for the Creation of Dan-Marna Local Government, as well as chairman of a movement advocating the creation of additional local governments in the state.
These activities point to a recurring theme in his career: an interest in how political and administrative structures affect ordinary communities.
That concern would later reappear in his writings on governance.
Few periods are more important to understanding Darma’s political identity than the era of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.
Yar’Adua’s eight-year tenure as Governor of Katsina State, from 1999 to 2007, remains one of the most consequential chapters in the state’s modern political history. Darma served as a commissioner during that period and became part of the administration’s political and administrative establishment.
But the relationship extended beyond formal government structures.
Darma has written extensively about his association with the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, including a paper titled What Umaru Musa ‘Yar’Adua Told and Taught Me: Some Lessons on Leadership. In the paper, he reflects on lessons he says he learned from his association with the late President.
He also produced An Insider Viewpoint on Umaru Musa ‘Yar’Adua’s Administration in Katsina State: 1999–2007, examining Yar’Adua’s years as governor.
This intellectual engagement with the Yar’Adua years is significant. It suggests that, for Darma, Yar’Adua was not merely a former political superior or personal associate. He represented a political philosophy and administrative experience that Darma continues to study, interpret and discuss.
That relationship remains an important part of the political narrative surrounding him.
Darma’s political and administrative career eventually took him beyond Katsina.
On 8 November 2008, he was appointed Executive Secretary of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund, becoming the fifth person to hold the position. The PTDF’s published profile records the appointment and outlines the mandate he pursued at the agency.
His tenure lasted from 2008 to 2012, a period also reflected in contemporary records of PTDF leadership.
His appointment was significant because PTDF occupies an important position in Nigeria’s oil and gas human-capacity development architecture.
It also demonstrated that Darma’s career could transcend state politics. He was no longer simply a Katsina political actor; he was operating within one of the country’s major federal institutions and dealing with issues of education, skills development, technological capacity and the oil and gas industry.
The experience strengthened the technocratic dimension of his public profile.
After his federal assignment, Darma returned to the political and developmental conversation in Katsina.
He later served in the Katsina State Government in commissioner-level positions, including Works, Housing and Transport, as well as Rural and Social Development. The Presidency confirmed these positions in its announcement of his appointment as minister in 2026.
Many politicians who leave state politics for national appointments gradually become detached from their original constituencies. Darma, by contrast, continued to maintain a strong public presence in Katsina and remained engaged with questions concerning the state’s development.
His establishment and leadership of the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua Human Development Centre further reinforced that connection.
The centre became one of the platforms through which he continued to engage with leadership, governance, education and human development.
Perhaps the most distinctive feature of Darma’s public life is the extent to which he has treated Katsina not merely as a political constituency but as an intellectual project.
His published works repeatedly return to the question of how Katsina can achieve sustainable development.
In Pathway to Good Governance, he examines governance from the historical development of Hausa societies to contemporary Katsina and discusses institutional approaches to improving governance.
In Foundation for Greatness, he focuses on development financing and education while exploring ways to build a stronger foundation for the state’s future.
He has also written directly to the state’s political leadership. His 2023 “A Letter to Katsina State Governor-Elect” proposed several governance priorities and presented an evidence-driven framework for addressing the state’s developmental challenges.
These works reflect a political philosophy centred on institutions, human capital, governance and long-term development.
Whether one agrees with every proposition he advances is a separate matter. What is difficult to dispute is that he has consistently sought to place ideas and policy prescriptions alongside political activity.
Katsina’s political environment is changing.
Traditional political structures remain influential, but they now coexist with a more educated and politically conscious population, expanding social-media influence, a large youth demographic and increasingly sophisticated expectations of government performance.
The politics of personality is gradually being challenged by the politics of performance.
Political loyalty remains important, but competence, accessibility, development outcomes and the ability to communicate with younger generations are becoming increasingly significant.
This is where Darma’s profile becomes particularly interesting.
He belongs simultaneously to two political generations. He is part of the generation shaped by the formative political years of the Yar’Adua era, but he also possesses the educational, technological and communication orientation required to participate in contemporary political discourse.
His career therefore provides a bridge between Katsina’s established political order and an emerging politics centred on ideas, professional competence and youth engagement.
Darma is also an established figure within the All Progressives Congress political environment.
His political journey predates the APC itself. This matters because his political identity was formed across different platforms and political eras rather than being created by the APC.
His current alignment must therefore be understood against the background of a much longer political career.
Experienced politicians can sometimes serve as bridges among political tendencies that might otherwise remain disconnected. In Katsina’s evolving political environment, such relationships may become increasingly important as the state moves towards a new generation of leadership.
On 24 April 2026, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administered the oath of office to Dr Muttaqha Rabe Darma as Minister of Housing and Urban Development, following his clearance by the Nigerian Senate.
The Presidency described him as a scholar, administrator and development expert, citing his academic qualifications, previous service as PTDF Executive Secretary, commissioner-level experience in Katsina and contributions to academia and governance.
The appointment represents another major transition in his career.
Housing and urban development have profound implications for Nigeria’s future, particularly at a time of rapid urbanisation, housing deficits and growing pressure on infrastructure.
For Darma, the assignment offers an opportunity to translate his long-standing interest in development, planning and governance into national policy.
For Katsina, it places another senior political figure from the state at the centre of federal decision-making.
The confidence of President Bola Tinubu
The significance of Darma’s appointment extends beyond the portfolio he now holds.
By selecting him for a sensitive national assignment, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has demonstrated confidence in his competence, political judgment and capacity to deliver among the many politicians of Katsina State origin.
That confidence carries particular political weight as the country approaches the forthcoming general elections.
In a state where political networks, historical relationships and federal connections continue to influence electoral calculations, the President’s reliance on Darma places him in a strategically important position. He is not merely a minister representing Katsina at the federal level; he is also one of the figures through whom the administration can engage the state’s political class, grassroots structures and electorate.
His experience in youth leadership, state administration, federal public service and intellectual advocacy gives him the ability to communicate with different constituencies. His association with the Yar’Adua political tradition provides historical depth, while his current role in the Tinubu administration connects him to the present federal political establishment.
For President Tinubu, that combination may prove valuable in efforts to consolidate support and secure re-election in the forthcoming general elections.
For Darma, the confidence placed in him creates both an opportunity and a responsibility. He must demonstrate that political trust can be converted into effective representation, meaningful development and credible engagement with the people of Katsina.
The appointment may reshape perceptions of his influence. It could strengthen his standing among Katsina politicians, expand his access to national decision-making and position him as an important intermediary between the Presidency and the state’s political community.
Ultimately, however, the measure of that confidence will not be the symbolism of the appointment alone. It will depend on whether Darma can use his position to advance Katsina’s interests, support the administration’s national agenda and help build the political coalition required for the President’s re-election.
The question of political influence
The central question is not simply who Engineer Muttaqha Rabe Darma is.
The more important question is what role a figure with his background can play in Katsina’s emerging political configuration.
Several possibilities stand out.
First, his long experience gives him institutional memory. He has seen Katsina politics from inside government and has served in both state and federal administrations.
Second, his association with Umaru Musa Yar’Adua gives him a historical connection to one of the most influential political traditions to emerge from Katsina during the Fourth Republic.
Third, his academic and intellectual activities give him a policy-oriented dimension that is relatively unusual among political actors.
Fourth, his engagement with youth and community issues potentially provides a bridge to constituencies that are increasingly important in contemporary politics.
Finally, his new national responsibility as minister places him once again at the centre of federal policymaking.
These factors do not automatically translate into political control or electoral dominance. Politics is too fluid for such conclusions.
They do, however, provide the ingredients for influence.
The future of Katsina politics may ultimately depend on whether the state can move beyond politics centred exclusively on personalities and develop stronger institutions capable of producing continuity in governance.
That is also one of the central themes of Darma’s intellectual work.
His 2023 paper on designing a workable Katsina State argued for systemic improvements in decision-making, governance, economic management and public institutions.
That proposition may prove more important than any individual political contest.
A state does not become great merely because it produces powerful politicians. It becomes great when its institutions become strong enough to outlive individual politicians.
This may be one of the most important questions confronting Katsina’s next political generation.
The political significance of Engineer Muttaqha Rabe Darma can be understood through three overlapping identities:
The Engineer—trained to analyse systems, identify problems and seek technical solutions.
The Politician—shaped by grassroots mobilisation, youth leadership, government service and long-standing political relationships.
The Intellectual—committed to studying governance, development, leadership and the future of Katsina.
These three identities have accompanied him throughout his career.
His story is therefore more complex than that of a conventional politician.
He is a product of Katsina’s political history, but he is also an observer and critic of that history. He has participated in government while writing about how government should work. He has benefited from political networks while advocating institutional reform. And despite spending significant periods in national public service, he has maintained an unusually strong connection to his birthplace.
That attachment to Katsina may explain the persistence of his public engagement with the state.
Katsina is entering another phase of political transition.
The generation that dominated the political landscape during the early years of the Fourth Republic is gradually giving way to a new generation. The electorate is younger. Political communication has changed. The demands of governance have become more complex. The boundaries between politics, public policy, intellectual discourse and social mobilisation are increasingly blurred.
Against this background, Engineer Muttaqha Rabe Darma’s career offers an instructive case study.
From a young mechanical engineer trained at Bayero University to a youth leader; from commissioner in the Yar’Adua administration to an associate of the late President; from Executive Secretary of PTDF to author and development thinker; and from Katsina political actor to federal minister, his journey has been marked by movement between ideas, institutions and political responsibility.
His future influence in Katsina will depend not only on the offices he occupies but also on the ideas he advances, the relationships he builds, the people he mentors and the extent to which his experience contributes to a new political culture.
The confidence placed in him by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu adds a new dimension to that future. It places Darma at the intersection of federal political strategy, Katsina’s internal dynamics and the forthcoming electoral contest.
The real test is not whether Engineer Muttaqha Rabe Darma can remain politically relevant. It is whether his experience can help Katsina move from a politics of personalities to a politics of institutions, competence, accountability and sustainable development, while also helping to build the confidence and support necessary for President Tinubu’s re-election.
It is also what makes Muttaqha Rabe Darma’s political journey worth watching—not merely as the story of one Katsina politician, but as a window into the changing political landscape of an ancient city and a state searching for its next chapter.

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