Home Blog Page 1050

Age-Cheating: CAF Disqualifies Guinea From U-17 World Cup In Brazil

Confederation of African Football (CAF) has disqualified Guinea from taking part at this year’s Under-17 World cup in Brazil after they were found guilty of age-cheating at the recent U-17 Africa Cup of Nations which served as World Cup qualifiers.

Guinea, who were runners-up at the U-17 Nations Cup in Tanzania in April, thought they had secured their World Cup spot by reaching the semi-finals.

But CAF said in a statement that Guinea used two ineligible players in Tanzania and that Senegal will replace them in Brazil.

“The players Aboubacar Conte and Ahmed Tidiane Keita were not eligible to participate with Guinea in the Final Tournament of the U-17 Afcon played in Tanzania.

“Due to the existence of two different passports for each of the players concerned, one passport was used for the International Under-16 Cup held in Japan, the year of birth date being 2001, and the other for the final U-17 Afcon tournament in Tanzania, which indicated the year of birth as 2002, which clearly shows that there was forgery.”

“Because of their participation, the team is excluded from the competition and all its results and achievements during the competition must be cancelled.”

“The Guinean Football Federation, following its disqualification, is prevented from representing Caf at the Fifa U-17 World Cup to be held in 2019.”

“The Organizing Committee will be invited to reinstate Senegal and the Executive Committee to approve the participation of Senegal as Caf’s 4th representative at the Fifa U-17 World Cup to be held in 2019,” Caf stated following a meeting of its disciplinary committee.

Senegal will now join Cameroon, Nigeria and Angola as Africa’s representatives at this year’s U-17 World Cup in Brazil.

Guinea, who have been banned from taking part in the next two editions of the U-17 Africa Cup of Nations, have appealed and claimed that Caf’s “decision is clearly wrong”.

The Guinea Football Federation has also been fined US$ 100,000 with half of the amount being a suspended fine for a period of four years.

The runners-up silver medals which Guinea received in Tanzania must be returned within 21 days and if they fail to do so a penalty of $US 20,000 will be imposed.

Guinea’s punishment is the result of a second protest. During the tournament in Tanzania, CAF had initially cleared Guinea of any wrongdoing after Senegal FA filed a complaint against the two players.

Both had featured in a 2-1 win over Senegal in the group stage.

CAF had also stopped six players – including one Guinean – from taking part at the Nations Cup in Tanzania following MRI tests before the tournament.

FIFA U20 World Cup: Flying Eagles Fly To Poland 

The Nigeria U20 football players, the Flying Eagles, will tomorrow, Sunday, fly from to Germany to Tychy, Poland to prepare for the  FIFA U20 World Cup starting in Poland on Thursday next week.

Speaking to the players today, Saturday, the President of the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF), Amaju Melvin Pinnick charged them to do the nation proud on and off the field during the competition.

 “I have spoken to the head coach and he has assured me that you guys have made tremendous progress since arriving at the training camp here in Germany.

“Let me state clearly that as an U20 squad from Nigeria, so much is expected of you at the world stage. Nigeria has been in the final of the FIFA U20 World Cup on two occasions and won the bronze medals once before.

“The NFF and Nigerians generally, as well as the football world, expect so much from you in Poland. You must perform very well on the field while showing good attitude and sense of fairplay, and also make discipline, diligence and decency your watchwords off the field, in order to fly Nigeria’s flag high.”

On Friday, the Flying Eagles engaged Red Bull Leipzig of Germany in their final pre-World Cup friendly, three days after drawing 1-1 with Red Bull Salzburg in another friendly in Austria.

U20 AFCON: Aigbogun submits final list of 21 players (Opens in a new browser tab).

The Flying Eagles are expected to take on Qatar in their first match of the FIFA U20 World Cup on Friday, 24th May, before other Group D games against USA (27th May) and Ukraine (30th May).

Minister Warns ‘Those Masquerading As Democrats’ But Bent On Destroying Democracy

Alhaji Lai Muhammed

The Minister of Information and Culture, Lai Mohammed, has insisted that the opposition is planning to sabotage Muhammadu Buhari’s Administration, generally overheat the polity, and make the country ungovernable.

Speaking today, Saturday at the 2019 edition of his Annual Ramadan Lecture held at his home town Oro, Kwara, the minister warned those he described as masquerading as democrats but are bent on destroying the nation’s democracy.

He insisted that there are credible evidences to show that the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and its presidential candidate, Atiku Abubakar are doing everything possible to sabotage the Buhari Administration.

“As you are aware, a few days ago, we raised the alarm that either by themselves or via their proxies, the PDP and its presidential candidate are doing everything possible to sabotage the Buhari Administration.

“Our interventions are based on credible evidence, and no government, with the kind of evidence that we have, of plans to subvert the power of the state, attack the nation’s economic live wire and generally unleash mayhem on the polity, will keep quiet.

“The security agencies are all alert to their responsibilities and will not sit by and allow anyone to reverse the gains of our democracy under any guise,” he said.

Lai Mohammed noted that similar alarms had been raised by the police, the military, and the DSS, adding that the government will neither be distracted nor dissuaded by pseudo and partisan analysts that had teamed up with the opposition to “either exhibit their ignorance or to engage in red herring and name calling.”

He called on Nigerians to use the occasion of the Ramadan to pray for the peace unity and stability in the country.

 “I make this request against the background of those who are daily plotting to exploit our national fault lines of religion and ethnicity.

“Those (are the people) who masquerade as democrats but can’t take electoral defeat; who will not hesitate to collude with anti-democratic forces and dead-enders to fan the embers of violence in the country.

“Those who have elevated their personal ambition over and above our survival as a nation,” he said.

The minister thanked all Nigerians for their support and prayers for the administration. He urged them not to relent, especially in the run-up to the May 29 inauguration of the president.

Source: NAN.

Nigeria’s Secret Police Vow To Root Out Those Calling For Coup

The Nigeria’s secret police, known as the Department of State Service (DSS), have vowed to root out persons or groups that are trying to truncate the nation’s democratic process or undermine the country’s peace and corporate existence

Public Relations Officer of the DSS, Peter Afunanya, in a statement today, Friday in Abuja conemned those he described as ‘unscrupulous elements in the name of Nigeria Continuity and Progress (NCP) which has unpatriotically called for a revolution and forceful change of government in the country’.

The spokesman said that it is aware that the group is working in tandem with a body of subversive agents and adversaries of the Nigerian State.

“The aim is to create an atmosphere of insecurity and use same to cause disaffection among the people. It is evident that the misguided group and its cohorts have also planned to instigate widespread violence against the government in order to actualize their infamous agenda of forceful change of regime.

“In line with the Service’s mandate of ensuring the internal security of Nigeria, it will stop at nothing to achieve this. Accordingly, the Service will continue to work with other sister agencies and stakeholders to ensure that every segment of the populace pursues their legitimate aspirations in an environment that is devoid of fear or hinderance.

“The DSS not only supports the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria, but will leave no stone unturned in rooting out persons or groups desirous of truncating the process or undermining the country’s peace and corporate existence. The Service will, therefore, not condone any form of extra-judicial activities or methods designed or adopted by persons or groups to subvert constituted authorities.

“Consequently, aggrieved politicians are enjoined, for the umpteenth time, to desist, forthwith, from plans to take laws into their hands or engage in acts capable of breaching the peace. Instructively, defaulting persons will surely be brought to book.”

Federal Govt Fixes Youth Corpers’ Minimum Wage At N30,000

The Minister of Finance, Zainab Ahmed, says the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members will earn the new minimum wage of N30,000 as allowance.

The minister, who spoke to news men yesterday, Thursday in Abuja, said that the ministry has verified N649.434 billion as the outstanding balance to be refunded to state governments.

“NYSC allowance also has to increase to N30,000. So, I cannot give you projections right now because the negotiations are not yet concluded.

“Apart from the increase of the minimum wage from N18,000 to N30,000, there is also a consequential adjustment that we have to negotiate with the labour unions.

“The other aspect that should be cleared is that there is an increase for the NYSC as well because NYSC, by its Act, is designed that they earn the minimum wage.”

On April 25, the NYSC former Director-General, Suleiman Kazaure, debunked a rumour that government had raised corps members’ monthly stipend to N31,800.

The one-year compulsory scheme was established in 1973 by former Head of State, Yakubu Gowon, after the Nigerian civil war in 1973 in a bid to reconstruct, reconcile and rebuild the country.

It was designed for young graduates within the country and in the Diaspora, between the ages of 18 and 30 for national service.

The administration of former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2011 increased the stipend from N7,500 to N19,800.

Source: The Nation.

Facebook Deletes 265 Fake Accounts Targeting Nigeria, Linked To Israeli Firm

Facebook has announced that it had removed 265 Facebook and Instagram accounts, pages, groups and events linked to an Israel-based firm due to what it called “inauthentic behaviour” targeting users in Southeast Asia, Latin America and Africa.

The move is part of wider efforts by Facebook to address concerns over privacy lapses and hate speech in social media.

Facebook said the “inauthentic” activity originated in Israel and focused on Nigeria, Senegal, Togo, Angola, Niger and Tunisia as well as in Latin America and Southeast Asia.

“The people behind this network used fake accounts to run pages, disseminate their content and artificially increase engagement,” Nathaniel , head of cyber security policy at Facebook said in a statement.

He identified Israel’s Archimedes Group as the source of some of the activity.

“This organisation and all its subsidiaries are now banned from Facebook, and it has been issued a cease and desist letter,” said Gleicher.

Archimedes was not immediately available for comment
Gleicher said Archimedes had 65 Facebook accounts, 161 pages, 12 events and four Instagram accounts. Some 2.8 million accounts followed one or more of these pages.

He said that the individuals involved also represented themselves as locals, including local news organisations, and published allegedly leaked information about politicians.

“The page administrators and account owners frequently posted about political news, including topics like elections in various countries, candidate views and criticism of political opponents,” Gleicher said.

“We’re taking down these pages and accounts based on their behaviour, not the content they posted.”

He added that around 812,000 dollars was spent for advertisements on Facebook paid for in Brazilian reals, Israeli shekels and U.S. dollars with the first ad running in 2012 and the most recent last month, Gleicher said.

“We have shared information about our analysis with industry partners and policymakers,” he said.

Similarly, Amnesty International on Thursday called for Israel’s government to ensure that an Israeli company, whose spyware has been linked to a WhatsApp breach that may have targeted human rights groups, be held accountable for the way its software is used.

Amnesty on Tuesday filed a petition in Israel seeking the revocation of NSO Group’s export licence and said that it was up to the government to take a firmer stance against export licenses that have “resulted in human rights abuses.”

Israel’s Ministry of Defence declined to comment.

WhatsApp, a unit of Facebook, said on Tuesday that a security breach on its messaging app may have targeted human rights groups.

According to Eva Galperin, Director of cybersecurity at San Francisco-based Electronic Frontier Foundation, WhatsApp told human rights groups it believed the spyware used was developed by Israel’s NSO.

A second person familiar with the matter also identified spyware from NSO.

Amnesty said in an emailed statement that NSO has “again and again demonstrated their intent to avoid responsibility for the way their software is used,” and that only government intervention would change that.

NSO has not commented on any specific attacks, but following the WhatsApp breach it said it would investigate any “credible allegations of misuse” of its technology which “is solely operated by intelligence and law enforcement agencies”.

NSO’s biggest shareholder, Novalpina Capital, said in a statement that it intends to bring NSO’s governance into alignment with UN principles and will seek insights from Amnesty and other groups “into how best to achieve this important goal.”

WhatsApp, one of the world’s most popular messaging tools which are used by 1.5 billion people monthly, said it had notified the U.S. Department of Justice to help with an investigation into the breach.
And it encouraged its users to update to the latest version of the app, where the breach had been fixed.

One target of the new WhatsApp exploit was a United Kingdom-based human rights lawyer, who spoke on condition of anonymity, Reuters reported on Tuesday.

The United Kingdom-based human rights lawyer is helping a Saudi dissident and several Mexican journalists mount civil cases against NSO for its alleged role in selling hacking tools to the Saudi and Mexican governments, which they alleged were used to hack into their phones.

NSO says it sells only to law enforcement and intelligence agencies pursuing legitimate targets, such as terrorists and criminals.

Novalpina, in a May 15 letter to Amnesty signed by founding partner Stephen Peel, said Novalpina was “determined to do whatever is necessary to ensure that NSO technology is used for the purpose for which it is intended.

“The prevention of harm to fundamental human rights arising from terrorism and serious crime – and not abused in a manner that undermines other equally fundamental human rights.”

Source: Reuters/NAN.

Defection By Saraki, Dogara, Others To PDP Was Illegal, But… Court Rules

The Federal High Court in Abuja has declared the defection from the All Progressives Congress (APC) to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), by the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara and 51 others as illegal.

The Judge, Justice Okon Abang however, today, Friday, in his judgment struck out the suit filed by the Legal Defence and Assistant Project (LEDAP) on the ground that the challengers lacked locus standi to file the suit.

The Judge admitted that though the plaintiff has a good case and the good intention of promoting good political behavior and rule of law, but that it has no locus standi to sue.

According to him, LEDAP which instituted the suit is not a political party that sponsored the defected lawmakers, or the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) which is conferred with the powers to monitor political parties.

He added that the plaintiff is neither a constituent of the defectors nor a registered voter that voted for them, adding that LEDAP had not put anything before the court to show that the voters urged them to sue on their behalf and thereafter, the case was struck out.

Justice Abang however admitted that the defection of the 53 members of the National Assembly was unlawful based on the judgment of the Supreme Court, which had laid down reasons that would allow for defection.

According to him, the lawmakers did not meet that requirement, saying that there was no division of the kind recognized by the Supreme Court to allow the defendant – that is, the Senate President and 52 others retain their seat with the exception of the third defendant, Senator Godswill Akpabio.

He said that this is so because in his view, at the time they claimed there was division in their parties which resulted in them decamping, those political parties were still functioning as political parties, hence, the division was not of the kind that will enable them decamp.

Governors Working Underground To Resolve Rift Between Ganduje, Emir Of Kano – Shetima

Borno State Governor, Kashim Shettima

Borno Governor, Kashim Shettima, has said that Nigerian Governors are working underground to resolve the rift between Kano State Governor, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje and Emir of Kano, Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi II.

In a chat with news men today, Friday in Kaduna, Governor Shettima said that Northern Governors secretly met some time ago to quell the tension over Kano Emirate, adding “God willing the Governor and the Emir will come back together as one.”

Describing the creation of four additional Emirates in Kano State to downsize the influence of Emir Sanusi as saddening, the Borno State Governro, said that all Governors have one unwritten policy: “we don’t openly interfere with the issues of one another. We only play background roles to lobby and appeal.

“I cannot dictate to Ganduje how he should run Kano but we can work underground as bridge builders. God willing the Governor and the Emir will come back together as one.”

From Recession To Growth: Story Of Nigeria’s Recovery From 2016 Economic Recession, By Godwin Emefiele

Over thirty years later, I am aware that this commitment to fostering knowledge that can be used for the benefit of society has not waned, even in the midst of difficult challenges. As policy makers work to harness the huge potentials of the Nigerian economy, Universities like the University of Nigeria Nsukka will play a critical role in not only supporting research and development of ideas that will support the growth of our country, but in also ensuring that the skill sets obtained by its graduating students, can be utilized to meet the growing needs of the Nigerian economy.

 In my paper today, I will like to share my thoughts on some of the factors that led to the economic recession between 2016  – 2017; the policy measures implemented by both the monetary and fiscal authorities, and some of the measures we ought to consider in our efforts to build an economy that will support improved wealth and job creation for a majority of Nigerians.

On assumption of office as Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria in June 2014, one of my cardinal objectives was to create a people focused Central Bank. A Central Bank that will promote macro-economic objectives such as low inflation and a stable exchange rate, along with a focus on promoting inclusive growth and reducing unemployment in the country. I believed that these objectives were necessary in Nigeria given the constraints faced by rural dwellers, as well as small and medium scale businesses in the country. The economic recession between 2016 – 2017 provided additional impetus on the need to promote a pro-growth strategy, that will reduce our reliance on earnings from the sale of crude oil, as well as our dependence on the importation of items that can be produced in Nigeria.

Factors that Triggered the Economic Recession

Between 2014 – 2017, the global economy witnessed several adverse shocks, three of which were simultaneous and significant in shaping the trajectory of the Nigerian Economy, namely:

I.    Widespread and rising geopolitical tensions along critical trading routes in  the  world –  Beginning in March 2014 with the United States’-led  sanctions  on  Russia  for its  annexation  of Cremia  and alleged  role  in  precipitating  the  crisis/conflict  in  Ukraine. Other areas include Britain’s desire to pull out from the European Union, and rising trade tensions between the United States and China, with its attendant implications on global trade and capital flows.

II.  Crude Oil Prices – The 60  percent  drop  in  oil prices  between 2014 – 2016 exposed  the  structural vulnerabilities of oil dependent economies like ours. In July 2014, global crude oil prices began a sharp descent. The price of Bonny light,  Nigeria’s  crude,  plunged  from  about  US$115  per  barrel  in June 2014 to as low as US$31 per barrel by January 2016; and

III. Normalization  of  Monetary  Policy  by  the  United  States’  Federal Reserve  System – This measure  led  to  an  acute  capital  flow  reversals especially in emerging markets and increased financial fragilities in these   countries.   In   October  2014   the   US   Federal   Reserve commenced the  tapering  of  its  quantitative  easing  in  preparation for  a  more  conventional  monetary  tightening  cycle. In an effort to contain rising inflation, the Fed fund rate was raised steadily to 2.25 percent in December 2018.
Domestic Economy

Whereas these three factors had adverse consequences on the Nigerian economy, the most important factor was the drop-in commodity prices. The country’s overdependence on crude oil for over 60 percent of government revenue and for 90 percent of its foreign exchange inflows, meant that shocks in the oil market were transmitted entirely to the economy via the FX markets as manufacturers and traders who required forex to purchase their inputs as well as goods, were faced with a depleting supply of foreign exchange in the country.

For example, average monthly inflows of foreign exchange into the CBN   fell from  over  US$3.4 billion  in  June  2014  to  as  low  as US$500 million in October 2016. The decline in foreign exchange earnings was further complicated  by  the  foreign  capital  flow  reversals  from emerging  markets  due  to  the  interest  rate  hike  in  the  USA. The impact of this decline on our economy was evident in the rise in the value of the US Dollar relative to the Naira; and a rise in the Consumer Price Index due to the increase in the cost of imported inputs, food items, petroleum price, transportation costs, as well as goods and services.

With the drop in foreign exchange inflows, the exchange rate at the parallel market rose from N200/$ in August 2015 to N525/$ in January 2017. Inflation also rose from 9% in January 2016 to over 18% in January 2017. Our external reserves fell from about $31bn in April 2015 to $23bn in October 2016, and activities in the Manufacturing sector witnessed a lull as manufacturers struggled to get access to key inputs needed in the production process.

Other vulnerabilities include, slowdown in government spending following the drop in government revenue, build up in the demand for foreign exchange, and high exposure of the banking sector to the oil and gas sector.

Driven largely by the downside effects of these shocks, real GDP growth plunged sharply from 6.2 percent in 2014 to a 1.6   percent   contraction   in   2016.   Nigeria   effectively   slipped   into   a technical recession in the second quarter of 2016 and maintained negative growths in all quarters of that year. Quarterly disaggregation of the 2016 outcomes showed the worst contraction of 2.4 percent and a turning point thereafter.

Addressing the Recession: The Monetary and Fiscal Policy Mix

In a bid to contain rising inflation and to cushion the impact of the drop in FX supply on the Nigerian economy, the monetary and fiscal authorities took extraordinary measures to meet these  extraordinary challenges. Some of the measures we took include;

1.   Monetary Policy – Over the intervening period of the slowdown in the economy, the CBN embarked on a cycle of tightening which culminated in a July 2016 hike in the Monetary Policy Rate from 12 percent to 14 percent. This decision was expected to rein in expected inflationary pressures that may result from exchange rate   pass-through   to   domestic   prices,  and   ensure   that   inflation expectations are well anchored. It was also expected to set off increased capital   inflows   to   the country, which   should  improve   accretion   to reserves.

2.   Conserving our Foreign Exchange – We introduced a demand management approach in order to conserve our reserves and support domestic production of items that can be produced in Nigeria. In this regard, we analyzed our import bill, and encouraged manufacturers to consider local options in sourcing their raw materials, by restricting access to foreign exchange on 43 items. Four of these items alone constituted over N1 trillion of our import bill.

3.   Risk Based Supervision – The weakening of the Naira, following the shift to a more flexible foreign exchange mechanism along with the exposure of several banks to the oil and gas sector, impacted somewhat on the balance sheets of domestic banks. To support the health of the banking system, the CBN took a number of steps, including:

i.   Monitoring compliance of supervised institutions with the foreign exchange management framework issued in June 2016 through our risk-based supervision methodology, which also involved reviewing international trade and foreign exchange operations of local banks;

ii.  Monitoring the financial position and performance of supervised institutions;

iii. Assessment of the risk profile and governance management practices of banks In the event of major deteriorations on any key risk indicator, we engaged with the affected bank in order to mitigate concerns and shore-up their capital base.

1.   Foreign Exchange Market – In April 2017 we introduced an Investors and Exporters FX(I&E), which allowed investors and exporters to purchase and sell foreign exchange at the prevailing market rate. In addition, exchange rate management was further liberalized following the approval of the “Revised Guidelines for the Operation of the Nigerian Inter-bank Foreign Exchange Market” on June 15, 2016 and its operationalization on June 20, 2016. The commencement of this policy guideline introduced the Naira Settled Foreign Exchange Futures Market.

2.   Growth-enhancing Fiscal Policy – The Fiscal authorities concentrated on examining ways in which fiscal policy could support household consumption and business investments, as these two factors make up more than 85 percent of Nigeria’s GDP by expenditure. In this regard, the Federal Government budgets were readjusted to adequately address priority infrastructure needs that would support improved investments by the private sector. This was complemented by various Presidential initiatives on improving the ease of doing business in Nigeria, dismantling regulatory bottlenecks, enhancing competitiveness and  industrialization

3.   Development Finance Intervention – The CBN increased its lending to the agricultural and manufacturing sectors, through targeted intervention schemes such as the Anchor Borrowers Program, Commercial Agricultural Credit Scheme and the Real Sector Support Facility.  In particular the CBN sought to improve domestic supply of four   commodities (rice,   fish,   sugar,   and   wheat), which consume   about   N1.3   trillion   annually   in  our nation’s  import   bill.   The Anchor Borrowers Programme (ABP) which was launched in November 2015 by President Muhammadu Buhari, was designed to build partnerships between small holder farmers and reliable large-scale agro processors, with a view to increasing agricultural output, while improving access to credit for farmers.

Our targeted focus on the agricultural and industrial sectors were driven by the vast opportunities for growth, given our high population. These sectors were instrumental in taking Nigeria out of the recession; In 2017, over 50% of the contributions to GDP growth came from the agriculture and industrial sectors. These sectors have the ability to absorb the growing labor pool of eligible workers, and can help meet the household consumption needs of the Nigerian market. If efforts are made to improve productivity gains in these sectors, it will reduce our dependence on imported items that can be produced in Nigeria.

            Furthermore, improved productivity in the agriculture and industrial sectors could also help in diversifying the wealth base of our country. In 2017, Nigeria’s total revenue from exports of crude oil was $23 billion, relative to Indonesia, which earned close to $22bn from the export of palm oil in 2017. Nigeria has vast amounts of arable land that can be utilized to cultivate not only palm oil, but also cotton, tomatoes and rice. Supporting growth in the agriculture and industrial sector is critical in our efforts to wean our nation from its reliance on proceeds from crude oil.

 Other growth-support interventions initiated by the Bank include; the N222 billion Micro, Small and Medium Enterprise Development Fund (MSMEDF); N300 billion Real Sector Support Facility (RSSF); N213 billion Nigeria Electricity Market Stabilization Facility (NEMSF); N200 billion Commercial Agriculture Credit Scheme (CACS);); and the N300 billion Non-oil Export Support Fund. In most of these interventions, loans were granted at a concessionary rate of 9.0 per cent.

4.   Financial Inclusion – The CBN also embarked on several financial inclusion strategies to counter the effects of recession and ensure stability in the financial sector. One of such measures, includes the launch of the National Collateral Registry, which enable SMES’ to provide movable assets as collateral in order to obtain loans from financial institutions, rather than providing fixed assets as collateral. In addition, we developed policy guidelines for the issuance of a Payment Service Bank license. Under this policy regime, Fintechs, Fast Moving Consumer Goods and Telecommunication firms with the permission of the Central Bank of Nigeria can set up entities that will provide limited financial services to individuals in underserved parts of the country.

5.   Bailout Programme – The CBN intervened with a bailout to sub-national governments who could not pay their workers for several months. This measure was intended to provide temporary support to states grappling with dwindling finances, while they embarked on measures to improve Internally Generated Revenue in their respective states.

Policy Outcomes and Exit from Recession

GDP – After 5 consecutive quarters of negative growth beginning in the 1st Quarter of 2016, a coordinated approach by the fiscal and monetary authorities supported a rebound in the nation’s economy during the second quarter of 2017. The recovery has been driven largely by improved non-oil activities especially the agriculture sector which expanded consistently by about 3.5–4.3 percent reflecting government’s   efforts   at diversifying the economy.  This was nonetheless, reinforced by the pickup in the oil sector as oil prices rallied in 2017. The   gradual   re-orientation   of   the economic   structure   towards   the   agriculture   sector   reflects   the diversification drive of the government which was supported by the development finance initiatives of the CBN.

 The recovery has been sustained for seven consecutive quarters. The pace of quarterly GDP growth has improved from .5 percent in the second quarter of 2017 to 2.38 percent in the fourth quarter of 2018. The short-term outlook continued to strengthen with average growth projections of about 2.8 percent for 2019, up from 1.81 percent in 2018.

Inflation – As a result of the implementation of a tighter monetary policy regime and improved FX inflows, inflation began to decline, from its peak of 18.7 percent in January 2017; it currently stands at 11.25 percent as at March 2019. Interestingly for the first time during a general election cycle, our inflation rate declined from 11.37 percent in January 2019 to 11.25 percent in March 2019, due to our measures aimed at containing liquidity and supporting improved production of staple food items.

Reserves – The introduction of the Investors and Exporters Window also helped in shoring up our external reserves. Transactions in the I&E FX window has reached over $48 billion since the inception of the window and our foreign exchange reserves has risen to $45bn in April 2019 from $23bn in October 2016. Nigeria’s current stock of external reserves is now able to finance 9 months of current import commitments. With improved availability of foreign exchange, the exchange rate at the I&E FX window has remained stable over the past 24 months at an average N360/$, and the parallel market exchange rate has appreciated from N525/$ in February 2017 to N360/$ today.

Anchor Borrowers Program – The program has helped to bolster agricultural production by removing obstacles faced by small holder farmers. We have also improved access to markets for farmers by facilitating greater partnership with agro-processors and manufacturing firms in the sourcing of raw materials. So far the program has supported more than 1,059,604 small holder farmers across all the 36 states of Nigeria, in cultivating 16 different commodities over 1.114 million hectares of farmland. It has also supported the creation of over 2.5m jobs across the agricultural value chain.

A key emphasis was placed on improving rice production, given the considerable weight importation of rice had on Nigeria’s import bill. This focus has enabled increased production of rice in the country, which has led to net savings of $800 million in our import bill as a result of drastic declines in rice importation.

Manufacturing Sector – Activities in the manufacturing sector also witnessed significant improvement between August 2016 and February 2019, as the Primary Manufacturing Index rose from a low of 42% in August 2016 to 57% in February 2019. This development was attributed to sustained supply of foreign exchange and the dogged implementation of our FX restriction on certain items. As a result, we have recorded spectacular improvements in domestic production of most of these items. Local manufacturers are reporting major boosts to their revenue and profit due to this policy.

Peer Review – in assessing Nigeria’s recovery efforts and performance, it is essential to conduct a comparative assessment of our peers. Strikingly, it will be discovered that Nigeria did not fare badly vis-à-vis other emerging market economies like Brazil, South Africa, Turkey, and Argentina, that had similar economic experiences. Amidst the growing challenges, Nigeria has managed to keep real GDP growth positive and has avoided a double-dip recession in contrast to some other emerging markets economies.

In comparison and following its 2016 contractions, the South African economy recorded a double-dip recession with renewed contractions of 2.6 and 0.7 percent in the first and second quarters of 2018, respectively. Its economy grew by .8 percent in 2018. In Argentina, though the economy was in recession throughout 2016, moderate upticks which peaked at 1.9 percent quarter two of 2017 ended that recession. However, the Argentinian economy fell back into a recession as GDP growth declined by 1 percent in 2018.

The Brazilian economy had been in recession since 2015 and only emerged from it the first quarter of 2017 with a growth rate of 1.0 percent. Since then the growth has slowed progressively until the last quarter of 2017 when growth remained flat. Economic recovery still remains tepid with a GDP growth rate of 1.1 percent in 2018.

Outlook

Global growth momentum continued to weaken in the light of ongoing geopolitical and trade tensions. This is aggravated by weakening demand in many advanced economies and financial market fragilities in many emerging markets and developing economies. Accordingly, global growth projections are estimated at 3.5 percent (in 2019) and 3.6 percent (in 2020) lower than a growth of 3.9 percent estimated for 2018. Medium-term outlook are lowered for advance economies generally as the prevailing trade war with China is expected to dampen growth impetus in the USA. In emerging markets, the slowdown of the Chinese economy is expected to continue into the medium-term.

In addition, developments in the exploration of shale oil have led to the emergence of the United States as the world’s biggest crude oil producer, ahead of Saudi Arabia and Russia. Overall crude production in the United States has climbed to a weekly record of 12 million bbl/d, up from 9.3m barrels in 2017, and production is expected to exceed 20m barrels by 2025, according to information from the EIA. Output from the US will continue to put downward pressures on oil prices, notwithstanding the output cut by OPEC members in order to shore up oil prices. As a result, it is important to note that the associated headwinds which led to the economic crisis between 2015 – 2017 still remain.
Road to Sustainable Growth

Have these unconventional tools employed by the Central Bank been effective? Skeptics have pointed out that the pace of recovery has been slow, with GDP growth averaging only slightly higher than a 2 percent annual rate over the past few years and inflation remains above the CBN 6 – 9 percent threshold. What the critics fail to note is that our economic recovery has faced powerful headwinds, as oil revenues constitute over 90% of our export earnings. Notwithstanding the fact that oil prices are yet to return to their pre-2015 levels, the CBN has been able to reduce inflation, build our FX reserves, while maintaining stability in the foreign exchange market.

Challenges still remain such as ensuring that the pace of GDP growth remains well ahead of our annual population growth at 2.7 percent. But this can only be achieved if we continue to support efforts aimed at improving domestic production of goods in Nigeria.

As a result, the recommended steps below may be required in order to promote sustainable growth of the Nigerian economy:

i.    Significantly increase the country’s policy buffers, including fiscal measures to increase the external reserve;

ii.   Diversify the revenue structure of the Federal government in
order to rely much less on direct proceeds from sale of crude oil;

iii.  Proactive fiscal actions, specifically, infrastructure investment is required to enhance economic growth

iv.  Provision of cheap financing to boost local production of priority goods in critical sectors of the economy in order to reduce reliance on foreign imports.

v.   Universities have a considerable role to play in working with the private and public sector in supporting research and development of solutions that can be applied to enhance the growth of the Nigerian Economy. In addition, they will also have to enhance their curriculum, so students are well equipped with the skill sets that are required to support Nigeria’s growth in this digital era.

Conclusion

In concluding, I have examined various developments, principally, activities in the domestic and global economies that led Nigeria’s economy into the recession in 2016 and its eventual recovery in 2017. Building on measures implemented by the fiscal and monetary authorities towards addressing the constraints of farmers, SMEs and manufacturers will be critical in order to drive sustainable growth of the Nigerian economy and reduce our reliance on proceeds from the sale of crude oil. In addition, forging partnerships between Universities, Research Institutions, the Private sector and Public sector institutions in developing and implementing solutions that aid productivity in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors, will be important in order to build a sustainable productive base for the nation.

I thank you very much for your attention. And thank you once again, for being here today.

Paper presented at Special Convocation of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka,

Friday, May 17, 2019 at the Princess Alexandra Auditorium, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Enugu State

GODWIN I. EMEFIELE, CON

Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria

17th May 2019.

That APC’s Wager On Lawan And Gbaja, By Sufuyan Ojeifo

I do not look into crystal balls. That is not my preoccupation.  I certainly lack the endowment of predicting the future. That enterprise is better left to the confident fortune-tellers. Agreed it is their forte, there is the possibility of their getting it wrong sometimes and such times could be moments of great national anxiety when the divine is summoned to duty to unknot identified tangles in the affairs of men.

Regardless, the obsessed clairvoyants continue to indulge in their delicate trade. They foretell and are ready to take the glory or damnation for the precision or otherwise of their predictions. Even, if I have a hunch about an upcoming occurrence, I will do well to harbour it within the confines of my heart, until it manifests on its motion. If it does not manifest, after all, as they say, “nothing would have spoilt”. That is the beauty of my predilection.  Refusing to saunter into the realm of clairvoyance, especially on political matters in a very unpredictable milieu such as ours is wisdom.

Conversely, there is nothing to fear about looking into the past and interrogating events that shaped human history.  The past is constant. It offers an expansive terrain for historians, archeologists, anthropologists, researchers, etc., to dwell on. There is nothing to predict about the past. But there is so much to visit through the voyage of the mind. This reinforces the compelling insight of a philosopher who once said: “This then is denied unto God: the ability to change the past.”

It is against this backdrop that I have set out to interrogate the essential antecedents of the summative legislative voyages of Senator Ahmad Lawan and Honourable Femi Gbajabiamila (Gbaja, for short); and, not to predict how the All Progressives Congress’ (APC’s) wager on them for the positions of Senate President and Speaker of the House of Representatives will turn out on June 11, during the inauguration of the 9thNational Assembly and election of presiding officers.

Whether or not Lawan emerges Senate President or Gbaja will be installed Speaker of the House of Representatives, I know not. But what I know – which does not require clairvoyance – is that both will be nominated to contest the position of presiding officers on June 11. The APC leadership believes both candidates should win. But how sure-footed is the party’s belief? They lost in 2015, perhaps because the party’s faith was weak, having failed to enjoy the complementarities of a robust groundwork. After all, the Holy Bible says that faith without work is dead.

One of the lessons of the APC’s loss in 2015 is that there is a limit to which the leadership of the party or any party that controls the majority in the National Assembly can influence the election of presiding officers without working to garner the support of members-elect across party lines. The decision on who to vote for rests with the individual member-elect who exercises that right on the floor.  The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria expressly provides that members would elect presiding officers from among themselves, not from among members of the majority political party.

However, it is assumed in presidential democracies globally that preference be given to the party that controls the majority seats in the Legislature. While in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, vesting the authority of Senate President or Speaker of the House in a member of the minority party is an unusual phenomenon, it becomes accepted through consensual arrangement reached by members for political survival as long as the majority of the members of the chamber, and not of the ruling party, pull in the same direction. That was the philosophy that powered Aminu Tambuwwal’s emergence as Speaker of the 7th House of Representatives in spite of Hon. Mulikat Adeola’s endorsement by the then ruling Peoples Democratic Party as its preferred candidate.

And, when it became necessary for Tambuwwal to cross from the PDP to the APC in 2014/2015, the same philosophical support about the independence and unity of the legislature that defied party affiliations played an influential role.  Importantly, there was also the critical factor of inter-personal relationship between the presiding officer, as primus inter pares, and his colleagues. Tambuwwal cultivated robust camaraderie, solid inter-personal relationship and pragmatic public relations with his colleagues. It was therefore easy for him to ride over episodic political storms.

Indeed, rebellion against party positions did not start with the 2015 saga that saw Bukola Saraki and Yakubu Dogara emerge Senate President and Speaker, respectively, at the expense of Lawan and Gbaja that the APC endorsed for the positions. Both Saraki and Dogara acted much faster and smarter than their party, then under the chairmanship of Chief John Odigie-Oyegun.

Now, with Adams Oshiomhole’s leadership, I can vouchsafe that the APC appears to be acting proactively and pragmatically ahead of the inauguration of the National Assembly and the election of presiding officers, though some feel very strongly that the party’s approach has been more like imposing candidates on its caucus in the Federal Legislature. But the party would not be dissuaded. Putting its wager on Lawan and Gbaja, the APC is staking its reputation a second time. The difference is that this time round, there is fire in the character and pluck of the man in the driver’s seat – Oshiomhole.

Unfazed by the historical rebellions that had fractured party discipline and supremacy, especially in this Fourth Republic, Oshiomhole is digging his feet further into the process of building the leadership architecture of the National Assembly in the face of pockets of resistance. The Oshiomhole leadership does not want to take prisoners going by the massive underground and behind-the-scene mobilisation and deployment of the instrumentality of the anti-graft agency to rein in some stakeholders.

Whereas, President Muhammadu Buhari has, on the surface, tried to detach himself from the process by not openly commenting on or reinforcing the party’s purported endorsements of Lawan and Gbaja; party leaders and members believe the party leadership enjoys tacit presidential support. If the leadership fails in its bid to install Lawan and Gbaja, it would not be for lack of will or the wherewithal to actualize the agenda; mutual suspicion and strategic positioning for 2023 presidential election within the APC would have accounted for the failure.

The purported hand of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, who is believed to harbour interest in 2023 presidency, in the endorsement of Lawan and Gbaja has greatly threatened the so-called party position. There are moves to scuttle the burgeoning Tinubu strategic dominance in the party ahead of the presidential battle. Governor Nasir el-Rufai of Kaduna State is believed to be coordinating a formidable national opposition against Tinubu’s presidential agenda. The fear is that this opposition within could break up the APC caucus in the National Assembly and produce election results that are contrary to the party’s reasonable expectations.

If the aggravation is arrested and the APC leaders get to be on the same page, what would be left for Lawan and Gbaja would be to deploy their charisma to win over and retain loyal support of their colleagues. Significantly, both must take steps to deal with the perception by their colleagues that they are arrogant and not team players. Once they overcome this hurdle, they could be home and dry with the party’s wager on them as an advantage. This, I hasten to say, is just a supposition and not a prediction.

·       Ojeifo, editor-in-chief of The Congresswatch magazine, contributed this piece via ojwonderngr@yahoo.com       

Advertisement ADVERTORIAL
WP2Social Auto Publish Powered By : XYZScripts.com