For almost a year now, since I resumed writing for publication in the media, I have deliberately referred to the Nigerian Left—my primary concern in this ideological and political enterprise—as if it is a homogenous or monolithic entity. But I know that most of my readers know, as much as I do, that the Nigerian Left—described here as the aggregate of Nigerian Marxists, socialists and pro-people radical democrats—is neither homogenous nor monolithic and has never been.
Even the Marxist group, the ideological core and the most self-conscious subgroup of the Nigerian Left, is far from being homogenous or monolithic. It has been defined, in part, by many differences, some major, some relatively minor. The question then is why I have continued to give this “false” impression of homogeneity and monolithism. I shall, in the present piece, attempt to answer this simple, but important question. This will lead me to a presentation, in summary form, of the differences I had “pretended” did not exist or had vanished or had dissolved.
I had written the preceding 25 or more articles as if differences did not exist or no longer existed in the Nigerian Left as the first step of a tentative new way of promoting internal unity in the movement. Put more directly: I have been presenting all fractions and factions of the movement with verifiable historical facts, analyses and basic common tasks whose critical adoption, I believe, can begin or significantly advance the project of unification. The common basic tasks which, as we may recall, include the drafting of a people’s manifesto, seeking political alliances, constructing a research and coordinating centre and establishing a journal, have all been informed by our experienced and lived differences, past and current.
The articles in which I had more blatantly “pretended” there were no longer differences or major differences in the Nigerian Left can be partially listed, for reference. They include: Murder of a leftist-feminist (8/12/2017); Drafting a people’s manifesto (21/2/2018); Further notes on people’s manifesto(27/2/2018); Between history and current demands(14/3/2018); The Left and election 2019 (22/3/2018); Restructuring: Propositions summarized(12/4/2018); In this 20th year of “democracy” (13/6/2018); Notes on political alliances(4/7/2018); Further notes on political alliances (13/7/2018); Revisiting “the people’s revolution” (3/8/2018); To Samir Amin, a personal tribute (27/8/2018); Revisiting “democracy and dictatorship” (13/9/2018).
From these articles a not-too-young Nigerian Leftist can recall specific issues which have divided the Nigerian Left for a very long time—at least since the First Republic (1960-1966). Some of them have been substantially resolved, transcended, eliminated or transformed by history; some are not now active because of the decline in Leftist political activism; some others are still active; and several others have now been sharpened by history.
The issues, randomly listed, include: Reform or Revolution; the National Question; type of organization (vanguard, mass or combined formation); strategy for revolution (bourgeois/electoral politics or armed struggle); modes and forms of open popular–democratic struggles; the women’s question (that is, feminism); principles, rules and methods of organization; “permanent revolution” or “revolution-in-stages”; the places and roles of the working class, intellectuals, the peasantry, the de-classed masses and the “middle” strata; principles and structures of governance after victory; democracy and dictatorship in the organization and in the country; concept and reality of capitalism and imperialism.
In trying to properly formulate, organize and classify these differences or areas of differences I would like to tentatively adapt the French Marxist philosopher, Louis Althusser’s categories—determinantand dominant—which he employed in the analyses of factors and contradictions in social formations. But I would add a third category, secondary. Thus, a difference in the Nigerian Left will be described as determinant if it goes to the very roots and foundations of Leftism. An actually-lived illustration would be a consistent anti-working class ideological or political inclination in a Leftist group.
A difference will be described as dominant if, not being determinant, is serious enough not only to deeply or violently divide the movement politically but can set Leftists and leftist groups in armed conflicts against each other—each side fighting alone or in alliance or in combination with non-Leftist or anti-Leftist forces. An actually-lived illustration is the experience of the Nigerian Left during the Crisis and Civil War (1966-1970). Another illustration is the range of positions and attitudes in the Nigerian Left in the current period on the National Question— from “fiscal federalism”, through “restructuring” to “self-determination”.
Finally, a difference will be described as secondary if it is neither determinant nor dominant but is capable of leading to factionalism and significant weakening of the movement’s overall effectiveness, influence and authority. Secondary differences appear mainly in organization, administration, discipline, methods, attitudes, tactics and other spheres that are often collectively regarded as “subjective”. A current illustration of secondary difference which may grow into dominant difference is the range of attitudes in the movement on the question of alliance with, or membership of, ruling class political parties and groups.
As further elaboration, I would like to present, at this stage, fragments of what I said on the subject of Left Unity in my 2016 book of six essays, The Nigerian Left: Introduction to History. In the third essay, on pages 75-79, I listed some “dangerous ideological trends” and proposed that their existence had led to differences that had, in turn, constituted “the greatest obstacles to the development of a unified strategic focus within the revolutionary movement”. The trends included: Infiltrationism, Putchism, Opportunism, Proprietor-ism and Sectarianism. They can all be classified as secondary differences.
Infiltrationism, according to the 2016 book, is the “belief that any type of ‘state power’ can be used by socialists to build socialism; this explains the adherents’ insistence on the primacy of ‘capture of state power’. This dangerous trend—which is a strange combination of revolutionary impatience, loss of faith in the masses’ capability and opportunism—leads, in practice, to the denial of any need to create a separate socialist organization. Putchism, on the other hand, is “the search for the ‘quickest road’ to socialism, and hence, the reduction of socialism to technical, not political and ideological project”.
Opportunism as I defined it, is “essentially the adoption of the socialist platform, not for the promotion of the working people’s struggles for power and socialism but for the purpose of personal promotion and enrichment, as a bargaining weapon with the Nigerian bourgeoisie and the bourgeois state”.
Proprietorism “is not opposed to Left Unity in the absolute sense; it accepts unity provided it takes the form of enlargements of the adherents’ groups and the retention of the adherents’ leadership positions”. Sectarianism “is the perpetual incapacity to transcend, or the permanent and conscious embrace of, primitive and localized organizational work, perpetual lack of an overall national revolutionary perspective.
Let me end these notes by repeating the core of the proposal I made in the piece, In this 20th year of ‘democracy’ (June 13, 2018): A small ad-hoc group of serious and committed Nigerian Leftists should volunteer and select themselves and prepare, for the Nigerian Left, a draft people’s manifesto, a draft programme and structure, and a draft memorandum on participation in electoral politics. The group should then convene a “unity conference” and present the three documents. The next stage will be dictated by the proceedings and outcome of such a “unity conference”. It is, however, necessary to insist that to be able to move the Nigerian Left forward in the sense of history, individual contents of the draft documents may be tentative, but should not be ambivalent on any major concrete question before the nation, before the masses or before the Nigerian Left.
Madunagu, mathematician and journalist, wrote from Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria.
Former Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), Olorogun Ima Niboro, has emerged the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for Udu, Ughelli South and Ughelli North Federal Constituency in Delta State. Niboro, who defected to the APC in December 2016, clinched the party’s ticket at a primary conducted by the Chief Cyril Ogodo-led State Working Committee at Otu-Jeremi in Ughelli South. He defeated four other aspirants to win the APC ticket during the election. The Returning Officer, Chris Onojiacha, who announced the results said the former President Goodluck Jonathan spokesman polled 438 votes to defeat four others. Onojiacha declared that Dr. Rukevwe Ugwumba scored seven votes, Rev. Francis Ejiroghene Waive got four votes, while Chief Andrew Orugbo polled 10 votes and Akpovoka Efeni had none.
“A clear majority of serving state governors in the PDP are backing Bukola Saraki. And this is a very determinant factor on who emerges the party’s flag bearer on Sunday.”
Doyin Okupe, Chairman of the Media Committee of Abubakar Bukola Saraki Presidential Campaign Organization, in a statement today, Thursday remarked: “Dr. Bukola Saraki is a man that has been aptly described as a man for this season; a man that has inborn proclivity for leadership.
“He has an exemplary pedigree that is important for this type of post. His late father, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki was a medical practitioner and Bukola Saraki is a medical doctor.
“His father was a leader of the Senate and he is the Senate President. His father was Waziri of Ilorin and he is the Waziri of Ilorin.
“Only a very few successful politician can point to such a magnificent record. Besides, he has been a two term governor of Kwara State. He was a Chairman of the Nigerian Governors Forum.
“As a senator, he is currently the Senate President and the Chairman of the National Assembly. Prior to that, he was a Special Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo on Budget Affairs.
“This man has been accepted widely across the country as the defender of our democracy. The man that has stood to withstand fire and fury from the incumbent government. The man that has stood even in the face of arms and yet he was unbowed
“He is a great, confident, courageous, competent and cerebral personality.
“He is a shining light in the political firmament of the PDP. Having gone round the country with Dr. Saraki, I am amazed at the level of his acceptability in virtually every zone of the nation.
“Abubakar Bukola Saraki has become a national phenomenon and his ideology and policy to grow Nigeria has become a doctrine especially amongst young Nigerians”.
Okupe, who was Special Assistant to ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, said that Saraki is a quintessential leader with an intimidating track record of achievements, adding the pedigree of Saraki’s late father, Abubakar Olusola Saraki will aid the Senate President in clinching PDP’s presidential ticket.
Okupe insisted that Saraki enjoys some measure of acceptability in the Northern part of the country, saying: “even some of the Northern elders are fully in support of Bukola Saraki because many of them feel that his late father lived and died for the north.
“When there were signs of disunity in the north, the late Oloye traversed the length and breath of the north to bring everyone together. Many people in the north, particularly elders now feel that it is about time to pay back the late Olusola Saraki with a good measure by supporting his son.
“We are here to compete fairly and contest with all seriousness. We recognize the obvious potentials of fellow aspirants.
“Virtually every of PDP aspirant is incomparable with leadership of the incumbent political party. Bukola Saraki has a wide range of support within the rank and file of the PDP.
“The message of Saraki, which is inclusiveness, equity and the programme to grow Nigeria is unrivaled and this is what he has consistently preached all over the nation. This has no doubt found great acceptability amongst the delegates and the people of Nigeria.”
As the main opposition political party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) heads to Port Harcourt, Rivers State capital to elect its presidential candidate on Saturday, one of the aspirants, David Mark, has warned that the continued corporate existence of Nigeria can only be guaranteed with him as democratically elected President.
He declared in a statement today, Thursday by his spokesman, Paul Mumeh: “A vote for me is a vote for the continuous corporate existence of Nigeria and the preservation of our brotherly heritage.”
David Mark, who was once the President of the Senate said: “my antecedent over the years, both in the military and political engagements, unarguably places me in a solid position to lead this effort. I also have enough experience in the Executive and Legislative Arms of Government to drive this mission for the well being of our beloved nation.
“I make bold to state that I am most prepared and ready to serve my fatherland. I WILL REMAIN THE LAST MAN STANDING FOR THE PARTY. I have kept faith with the party, I have been tried and tested and I remain steadfast.”
He reminded the PDP delegates to the presidential contest in Port Harcourt that time has come to find a lasting solution to the challenges facing Nigeria, adding that the 2019 presidential election presents them with a unique opportunity to effect this turn around.
“I have been with the party through thick and thin especially in our most trying moments after our defeat in 2015. Believing that we will overcome, I stood firm and committed myself to rebuilding and rebranding the party which to the glory of God is once more a very beautiful bride admired by all.
“I present myself as a worthy servant and vehicle for achieving the rescue mission of our dear country.
“In the words of Martin Luther King Jnr, “the ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience but where he stands in times of challenge and adversity”. I am your true servant. I will not let you down.
“My desire is to serve and be remembered as the agent that brought peace, unity and prosperity to all Nigerians.”
The National Judicial Council (NJC) has recommended the removal by dismissal from office, of two judges for violating the Judicial Code of Conduct in their official duties..
The Judges are Justice R. N. Ofili-Ajumogobia of the Federal High Court and Justice James T. Agbadu-Fishim of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria.
The NJC, headed by Justice Walter Samuel Nkanu Onnoghen, took the decision to dismiss the two judicial officers at its 87th Meeting yesterday, Wednesday October 3.
According to a statement today, Thursday, by the Director of Information of the NJC, Soji Oye, Justice James T. Agbadu-Fishim of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria was recommended for removal by dismissal from office sequel to the findings of the Council on the allegations contained in another petition by the Acting Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) alleging that the Judge received various sums of money from litigants and lawyers that had cases before him, and some influential Nigerians, under the false pretence that he was bereaved or that there was delay in the payment of his salary. This is contrary to the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Also, Justice R. N. Ofili-Ajumogobia was recommended to President Muhammadu Buhari for removal by dismissal from office pursuant to the findings by the Council on the allegations of misconduct contained in a petition to the Council by the Acting Executive Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ibrahim Magu, alleging that the is a Director/Chief Executive Officer and sole signatory to Nigel and Colive Company contrary to the Code of Conduct for Judicial Officers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
That Several personalities, individuals, government officials and business partners lodged funds into various accounts belonging to the Judge and that there was an ex-parte communication between the Judge and Mr. Godwin Oblah, SAN, during the pendency of his matter before the His Lordship.
The statement said that the Council could not consider other allegations in the petition because they are already before a court where the judge is standing trial, adding that the Council left those matters for the trial to take its legal course.
“In the interim, the Council, in exercise of its disciplinary powers under paragraph 21 (d) of the Third Schedule of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, has suspended Hon. Mr. Justices R. N. Ofili-Ajumogobia and James T. Agbadu-Fishim with immediate effect pending their removal from office by the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
“Council rejected the letter of voluntary retirement, purported to be with effect from the 1st of October 2018, submitted to it by Hon. Mr. Justice Joshua E. Ikede of the Delta State High Court. This followed the findings on an allegation of falsification of age contained in a petition written by Zik Gbemre, National Co-ordinator of Niger Delta Peace Coalition. Council found that the Hon. Judge ought to have retired since 1st October 2016. Consequently, it backdated his retirement to 2016 and recommended to the Government of Delta State to deduct from the retirement benefits of the judge, all salaries received by him from October, 2016 till date and remit it to NJC which pays salaries of all Judicial Officers in the Federation.
“Council also decided to issue a Letter of Advice to Hon. Mr. Justice K. C. Nwakpa of High Court of Abia State to guard against unwarranted utterances in matters before him. This was as a result of a complaint to the Council by one Princewill Ukegbu.
“Council considered the reports of various Investigation Committees and dismissed the petitions written against Hon. Mr. Justice Yusuf Halilu of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Hon. Mr. Justice E. O. Osinuga of the High Court of Ogun State, and Hon. Mr. Justice E. O. Ononeze-Madu of the High Court of Imo State.
“The petition by Wema Bank against Hon. Mr. JusticeYusuf Halilu of the FCT High Court was dismissed because the allegation of misconduct was not established. The judge’s handling of the related matter did not amount to the alleged misconduct.
“The petition on allegation of inducement, bias and alteration of Ruling written by David Olawepo Efunwape, Esq. against Hon. Mr. Justice E. O. Osinuga of High Court, Ogun State was found to be false.
11. Council, therefore, decided to report David Olawepo Efunwape, Esq., to the Legal Practitioners Disciplinary Committee (LPDC) for appropriate sanctions for making false allegations against a judge.
“The petition written by Hon. Eugene Okechukwu Dibiagwu against Hon. Mr. Justice E. O. Ononeze Madu was dismissed by the Council for lack of merit. Council also decided to warn the Petitioner and asked him to apologise to the Hon. Judge for the false allegation of inducement.
“New petitions written against twenty-six (26) Judicial Officers from the Federal and State High Courts were considered by Council, after which it resolved to empanel four Committees to investigate.
“The remaining petitions were summarily dismissed for obvious and manifest lack of merit, being subjudice, concerning administrative matters, or that such petitions were matters for appeal. The dismissed petitions were against Hon. Mr. Justice J. O. Bada, Presiding Justice, Court of Appeal, Benin Division, Hon. Mr. Justice Abdul-Kafarati, Chief Judge, Federal High Court and Hon. Mr. Justices I. N. Buba, H. R. Shagari, R. M. Aikawa, O. E. Abang all of the Federal High Court; Hon. Mr. Justice Marshal Umukoro, Chief Judge, Delta State and Hon. Mr. Justice E. G. Timi also of the Delta State High Court, Hon. Mr. Justice S. U. Dikko, Chief Judge, Nasarawa State, Hon. Mr. Justice P. N. C. Umeadi, Chief Judge, Anambra State, Hon. Mr. Justices A. O. Opesanwo, A. J. Coker both of Lagos State High Court, Hon. Mr. Justice C. I. Gabriel Nwankwo, President, Customary Court of Appeal, River State, Hon. Mr. Justices C. A. Okirie and G. O. Omeji both of River State High Court, Hon. Mr. Justice Iniabasi Udobong of High Court, Akwa-Ibom State, Hon. Mr. Justice S. O. Falola of High Court, Osun State, Hon. Grand Kadi, Sokoto State, Hon. Mr. Justice I. B. Ahmed of Katsina State High Court and Hon. Mr. Justice Patricia Mahmoud formerly of the Kano State High Court before her elevation to the Court of Appeal.
President Muhammadu Buhari has made it clear that the fight against Corruption is non-negotiable.t Speaking when he received the former South African President, Thabo Mbeki, at the presidential Villa in Abuja today,Thursday, Buhari stressed that he would allow the enormous resources being deployed by corrupt politicians and other leaders to destrac him. “We must fight corruption frontally, because it’s one of the reasons we got elected. We campaigned on three fundamental issues; security, reviving the economy, and fight against corruption. It’s the reason we got elected, and we can’t afford to let our people down.” The Nigerian leader acknowledged that hisgovernment is making progress on the anti-corruption war, “and not just talking,” even as he expressed his delight with the former South African President for the assignment he is carrying out for the African continent. He stressed that when Africa is vigorous with the war against corruption, “we will eventually appeal to the conscience of the rest of the world.” In his remarks, former President Mbeki said that corruption has remained the African challenge which he insisted must be responded to. “Development challenges can only be met through the check on illicit financial flows.” He said he was delighted that President Buhari touches on the issue in most of his speeches, with the most recent being at the United Nations General Assembly last week. “We are pleased with the way you take up the matter. Countries need political will to stop the illicit flow. Nigeria has shown good example. The more we are showing that we are acting as Africans, the easier to get the rest of the world to cooperate.” Mbeki heads the African Union High Level Panel on Illicit Flows from Africa, and he was in Abuja to give the President, who is the current Champion of AU Anti-Corruption Campaign, critical updates.
President Muhammadu Buhari has insisted that the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) remains the only party that can free Nigeria from corruption and poor governance.
He declared, in a statement today, Wednesday, by his spokesman, Malam Garba Shehu: “we are the party that will free Nigeria from corruption and poor governance. We will not let the country down.”
The President seized the opportunity to announce that he will soon name a Presidential Campaign Council (PCC) to lead the APC to victory in the February 2019 general elections.
He said that he is aware of the yearning by Nigerians for the formation of a full Presidential Campaign Council towards the APC’s victory in the presidential elections.
Buhari expressed appreciation to Nigerians for their growing interest they have shown on this issue, saying that he is conscious of their keen expectation.
He appealed to members of the party and the public to exercise some patience regarding the constitution of the PCC.
He said that he and the party executives are focused on the APC convention scheduled for Saturday, October 6 after which the Campaign Council will be put in place.
A Senatorial aspirant for Kogi Central Senatorial District on the platform of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Muhammad Omeiza Ajanah, has described the just-concluded primaries in the zone as criminal.’
Ajanah, who spoke to news men today, Wednesday in Lokoja, the State capital, expressed disappointment over the way and manner the exercise was conducted in Okene.
He alleged that the incumbent senator, Ahmed Ogembe, had hijacked the materials and went into hiding to thumb print the ballot, and was later affirmed as the party flag bearer.
Ajanah berated the leadership of the PDP for playing cheaply into the hands of some politicians routing for automatic ticket, adding that nobody can pocket him.
Vowing to seek redress at the appropriate quarters, the aspirant lamented that after collecting several millions of naira for nomination forms and being cleared by former Minister for Works, Dr. Mike Onohlememe-led screening committee, he had received certificate of clearance, they were are talking about automatic ticket.
“There is no automatic ticket anywhere. There is no free food even in Freetown. Affirmation is undemocratic and unacceptable. I will seek redress. No moneybag can cow me. I am just coming from PDP secretariat where I have formerly lodged my complaints
“After waiting till 6.00 pm in the evening, I and Honourable AK Salihu urged our supporters to leave the venue of the primary after waiting for several hours without the PDP election committee.”
Ajanah warned the national party officials from destroying the PDP in the state, just as he lamented that, the party in connivance with some powerful individual’s have hijacked the party’s ticket in the state.
The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has again injected the sum of $210 million into the inter-bank Foreign Exchange Market.
Figures obtained from the CBN today, Wednesday, indicated that authorized dealers in the wholesale segment of the market were offered the sum of $100 million, while the Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) segment received the sum of $55 million.
The apex bank said that customers requiring foreign exchange for invisibles such as tuition fees, medical payments and Basic Travel Allowance (BTA), among others, were also allocated the sum of $55 million.
Confirming the development, the Bank’s Director, Corporate Communications Department, Mr. Isaac Okorafor reiterated the CBN’s commitment to continue to boost interbank foreign exchange market to ensure liquidity in the market and sustain stability in the market.
It will be recalled that last week Friday, the Bank injected the sum of $210million into the inter-bank foreign exchange market.
Meanwhile, the Naira exchanged today at an average of N361/$1 in the BDC segment of the market.
The immediate past governor of Delta State, Dr. Emmanuel Uduaghan, has identified issues that needed to be tackled for the All Progressives Congress (APC) to win the 2019 general elections in the State.
Speaking shortly after he was affirmed unopposed as the candidate of the APC for Delta South Senatorial District, Uduaghan said: “you know that in Delta State, APC has not won any election.
“We need to bring everybody together to win the forthcoming elections in Delta State. By God’s grace, the APC will win elections in Delta State.
“Immediately after the primaries, we will bring everybody together so that there will be no factions in the state. We will bring all aggrieved parties in so that we can move the party forward.”
Uduaghan, who was elected unopposed by delegates through voice votes, in the primary election held at Oleh Civic Centre in Isoko South said: “I was ready for the election, but when the final list came from the national secretariat that I was the only person cleared, that was what resulted in this voice affirmation by the delegates of our party.
“I want to thank the people of the Delta South and they should be assured of quality representation.”
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Former Managing Director of News Agency of Nigeria (NAN), Olorogun Ima Niboro, has emerged the candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) for Udu, Ughelli South and Ughelli North Federal Constituency in Delta State.
“A clear majority of serving state governors in the PDP are backing Bukola Saraki. And this is a very determinant factor on who emerges the party’s flag bearer 
The National Judicial Council (NJC) has recommended the removal by dismissal from office, of two judges for violating the Judicial Code of Conduct in their official duties..
The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has again injected the sum of $210 million into the inter-bank Foreign Exchange Market.
On Differences In The Nigerian Left, By Edwin Madunagu
Even the Marxist group, the ideological core and the most self-conscious subgroup of the Nigerian Left, is far from being homogenous or monolithic. It has been defined, in part, by many differences, some major, some relatively minor. The question then is why I have continued to give this “false” impression of homogeneity and monolithism. I shall, in the present piece, attempt to answer this simple, but important question. This will lead me to a presentation, in summary form, of the differences I had “pretended” did not exist or had vanished or had dissolved.
I had written the preceding 25 or more articles as if differences did not exist or no longer existed in the Nigerian Left as the first step of a tentative new way of promoting internal unity in the movement. Put more directly: I have been presenting all fractions and factions of the movement with verifiable historical facts, analyses and basic common tasks whose critical adoption, I believe, can begin or significantly advance the project of unification. The common basic tasks which, as we may recall, include the drafting of a people’s manifesto, seeking political alliances, constructing a research and coordinating centre and establishing a journal, have all been informed by our experienced and lived differences, past and current.
The articles in which I had more blatantly “pretended” there were no longer differences or major differences in the Nigerian Left can be partially listed, for reference. They include: Murder of a leftist-feminist (8/12/2017); Drafting a people’s manifesto (21/2/2018); Further notes on people’s manifesto (27/2/2018); Between history and current demands (14/3/2018); The Left and election 2019 (22/3/2018); Restructuring: Propositions summarized (12/4/2018); In this 20th year of “democracy” (13/6/2018); Notes on political alliances (4/7/2018); Further notes on political alliances (13/7/2018); Revisiting “the people’s revolution” (3/8/2018); To Samir Amin, a personal tribute (27/8/2018); Revisiting “democracy and dictatorship” (13/9/2018).
From these articles a not-too-young Nigerian Leftist can recall specific issues which have divided the Nigerian Left for a very long time—at least since the First Republic (1960-1966). Some of them have been substantially resolved, transcended, eliminated or transformed by history; some are not now active because of the decline in Leftist political activism; some others are still active; and several others have now been sharpened by history.
The issues, randomly listed, include: Reform or Revolution; the National Question; type of organization (vanguard, mass or combined formation); strategy for revolution (bourgeois/electoral politics or armed struggle); modes and forms of open popular–democratic struggles; the women’s question (that is, feminism); principles, rules and methods of organization; “permanent revolution” or “revolution-in-stages”; the places and roles of the working class, intellectuals, the peasantry, the de-classed masses and the “middle” strata; principles and structures of governance after victory; democracy and dictatorship in the organization and in the country; concept and reality of capitalism and imperialism.
In trying to properly formulate, organize and classify these differences or areas of differences I would like to tentatively adapt the French Marxist philosopher, Louis Althusser’s categories—determinant and dominant—which he employed in the analyses of factors and contradictions in social formations. But I would add a third category, secondary. Thus, a difference in the Nigerian Left will be described as determinant if it goes to the very roots and foundations of Leftism. An actually-lived illustration would be a consistent anti-working class ideological or political inclination in a Leftist group.
A difference will be described as dominant if, not being determinant, is serious enough not only to deeply or violently divide the movement politically but can set Leftists and leftist groups in armed conflicts against each other—each side fighting alone or in alliance or in combination with non-Leftist or anti-Leftist forces. An actually-lived illustration is the experience of the Nigerian Left during the Crisis and Civil War (1966-1970). Another illustration is the range of positions and attitudes in the Nigerian Left in the current period on the National Question— from “fiscal federalism”, through “restructuring” to “self-determination”.
Finally, a difference will be described as secondary if it is neither determinant nor dominant but is capable of leading to factionalism and significant weakening of the movement’s overall effectiveness, influence and authority. Secondary differences appear mainly in organization, administration, discipline, methods, attitudes, tactics and other spheres that are often collectively regarded as “subjective”. A current illustration of secondary difference which may grow into dominant difference is the range of attitudes in the movement on the question of alliance with, or membership of, ruling class political parties and groups.
As further elaboration, I would like to present, at this stage, fragments of what I said on the subject of Left Unity in my 2016 book of six essays, The Nigerian Left: Introduction to History. In the third essay, on pages 75-79, I listed some “dangerous ideological trends” and proposed that their existence had led to differences that had, in turn, constituted “the greatest obstacles to the development of a unified strategic focus within the revolutionary movement”. The trends included: Infiltrationism, Putchism, Opportunism, Proprietor-ism and Sectarianism. They can all be classified as secondary differences.
Infiltrationism, according to the 2016 book, is the “belief that any type of ‘state power’ can be used by socialists to build socialism; this explains the adherents’ insistence on the primacy of ‘capture of state power’. This dangerous trend—which is a strange combination of revolutionary impatience, loss of faith in the masses’ capability and opportunism—leads, in practice, to the denial of any need to create a separate socialist organization. Putchism, on the other hand, is “the search for the ‘quickest road’ to socialism, and hence, the reduction of socialism to technical, not political and ideological project”.
Opportunism as I defined it, is “essentially the adoption of the socialist platform, not for the promotion of the working people’s struggles for power and socialism but for the purpose of personal promotion and enrichment, as a bargaining weapon with the Nigerian bourgeoisie and the bourgeois state”.
Proprietorism “is not opposed to Left Unity in the absolute sense; it accepts unity provided it takes the form of enlargements of the adherents’ groups and the retention of the adherents’ leadership positions”. Sectarianism “is the perpetual incapacity to transcend, or the permanent and conscious embrace of, primitive and localized organizational work, perpetual lack of an overall national revolutionary perspective.
Let me end these notes by repeating the core of the proposal I made in the piece, In this 20th year of ‘democracy’ (June 13, 2018): A small ad-hoc group of serious and committed Nigerian Leftists should volunteer and select themselves and prepare, for the Nigerian Left, a draft people’s manifesto, a draft programme and structure, and a draft memorandum on participation in electoral politics. The group should then convene a “unity conference” and present the three documents. The next stage will be dictated by the proceedings and outcome of such a “unity conference”. It is, however, necessary to insist that to be able to move the Nigerian Left forward in the sense of history, individual contents of the draft documents may be tentative, but should not be ambivalent on any major concrete question before the nation, before the masses or before the Nigerian Left.