President Bola Tinubu has given a strong indication that his government is still battling with beneficiaries of the fuel subsidy which he removed on assumption of office in May last year.
He said: “all those who falsified records and became losers with the subsidy (on petroleum products) removal, they will fight back.
“As we are fighting corruption, smugglers, and old subsidy beneficiaries, they most certainly will fight back.
“But we will defend our people. The treasury belongs to the people, and that sacred trust must not be abused.”
President Tinubu, who spoke at a meeting with the Forum of State Chairmen of the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) at the State House in Abuja on Friday, gave assurance that he is “working hard, day and night, even though some agents of destabilization are present in the polity. “Nigerians, with our focused support, shall defeat them.”
He said that his government would continue to touch on areas with significant impact on the welfare of Nigerians, assuring that his government is working hard to improve their living conditions.
He asked leaders at the grassroots level to encourage citizens to get their National Identification Number (NIN) for planning, structuring interventions and to achieve their full integration into various relief programmes.
“The programme of our government will be truly progressive; student loans, a national consumer credit system, and social welfare for the unemployed, as well as graduates. Every Nigerian will find a place of belonging in our country. In the eye of even the biggest hurricane, we will find that place of tranquility and prosperous harmony for the benefit of all. Nigerians will all partake on this national journey to prosperity.”
President Tinubu told state party chairmen, led by the National Chairman of the APC, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje, that his government has already drawn up a blueprint for large-scale livestock farming, which will be activated soon.
“We are bringing mechanized farming to the fore. Yesterday’s crisis will become today’s opportunity. Fertilizers are being supplied to farmers as we speak. Agriculture and economic diversification provide the answers to our problems. We will not continue to import food. “We know how to turn lack into abundance, and the world will watch us do it again.”
President Tinubu said that the repositioning of the economy is a top national priority as he urged party members not to wait for an appointment before bringing good governance and exemplary civic engagement to the doors of Nigerians.
“I urge the state chairmen that regardless of party affiliation, let us help citizens by mobilizing them for NIN registration. Not just PVCs. Some are poor Nigerians who have not experienced formal education and have no understanding of what NIN is and how it will benefit their lives. We must teach them. We must care for them.
“Without NIN, we cannot embark on social security interventions for the vulnerable. We will be making faulty moves without accurate data and iron-clad, digital intervention structures.
“I have established a committee of governors, and it is headed by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima. It is working on what must be done to further lift our people.
“We need to give hope, and we are giving it to the country and our citizens.
APC National Chairman, Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje said that the party is nearly set to establish the Progressive Institute of Policy and Development for the benefit of its members and Nigerian public.
The Nigerian military authorities have confirmed the loss of one commanding officer, two majors, one captain and 12 soldiers to Delta State community youths.
In a statement today, March 16, the acting Director in the Defence Information, Brigadier General Tukur Gusau narrated that the soldiers had gone on peace mission to OkUOMA community in BOMADI Local Government Area of Delta State.
He said that some community youths surrounded the troops of
181 Amphibious Batallion on Thursday, 14 March, when the troops responded to a distress call after the communal crisis between the Okuama and Okoloba communities both in Delta State.
“The reinforcement team, led by the Commanding officer, was also attacked, leading to the death of the Commanding officer, two Majors, one Captain and 12 Soldiers.
“So far, a few arrests have been made while steps is in place to unravel the motive behind the attack.”
Tukur Gusau said that the Chief of Defence Staff ( CDS), General Christopher Gwabin Musa has directed the immediate investigation and arrest of those involved in the heinous crime.
“The occurrence has been reported to the Delta State Govt.
“However, the military remains focused and committed to its mandate of maintaining peace and security in the country.”
The Kogi State Government has issued a stern call to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), urging it to cease what it perceives as a targeted campaign against the state’s immediate past Governor, Alhaji Yahaya Bello.
In a statement today, March 15, the Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Fanwo, said that the state government vehemently rejected what it described as the EFCC’s attempts to falsely accuse Kogi State of misappropriating funds.
The statement emphasized the state government’s commitment to anti-corruption efforts inherited from the previous administration and highlighted various measures taken to combat corruption effectively.
It condemned what it deemed as unfounded allegations and politicized charges orchestrated to tarnish the reputation of the former Governor and his administration.
The government called for transparency, accountability, and adherence to the rule of law. The statement further underscored the state government’s belief in transparent governance and its commitment to preserving the integrity of its administration.
It urged President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to investigate the situation in Kogi State before the EFCC is influenced by political interests aiming to discredit Alhaji Yahaya Bello and the state. Emphasizing the importance of a fair and lawful approach to the anti-corruption crusade, the government expressed confidence in the judiciary to uphold justice and protect the state’s name.
The Chief of Defence Staff, General Christopher Musa has urged the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC to go after those financing terrorism activities in the country.
The Defence Chief, made this plea to the anti-graft agency at Defence Headquarters today, March 15, while playing host to the EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede. He emphasized the importance of tracking terrorism funding as non-kinetic approach to combating terrorism, aligning with the military’s existing efforts. Acknowledging EFCC’s role, Musa praised their innovative use of technology in fighting corruption and economic crimes. He urged EFCC to collaborate with stakeholders to uphold good governance and security Olukoyede reiterated the necessity of collective effort, emphasizing that corruption has severely impacted Nigeria’s economy and tarnished its reputation.
He stressed the urgency of decisive action to prevent further deterioration, stating that the nation’s future is at stake. Recognizing the pivotal role of the military and other security agencies, Olukoyede underscored the importance of joint efforts in combating corruption effectively. He emphasized the need for a unified approach, urging all stakeholders to prioritize the fight against corruption as a national imperative.
The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) has announced a significant year-on-year increase in Nigeria’s headline inflation rate, soaring to 31.7% in February 2024 from 29.9% in January 2024.T
The Bureau disclosed this in its Consumer Price Index, CPI, report for February 2024, noting that food inflation also increased to 37.92 per cent during the period from 35.41 per cent in January 2024
According to the report, factors contributing to this uptick include rising prices of bread, cereals, potatoes, yam, fish, oil, meat, fruit, coffee, tea, and cocoa. On a month-on-month basis, the food inflation rate in February 2024 reached 3.79%, with Kogi, Rivers, and Kwara experiencing the highest year-on-year increases.
The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) has confirmed its readiness to reintroduce sting operations in the nation’s ports to sanitise the sector. The ICPC Chairman, Dr. Musa Adamu Aliyu, SAN, who made this known when a delegation from Convention on Business Integrity (CBI), paid him a courtesy visit at the Commission’s headquarters, in Abuja, expressed happiness with the results from the previous similar operations. He promised that the Commission will continue to partner with the CBI operatives, and give all the necessary support to sanitise the ports because the country needs business and foreign direct investment to come into the country. “I am happy that some countries are now yearning to replicate this thing. Nigeria as a country has many good people. ICPC will continue to partner with you and support you because we need businesses and foreign direct investments to come into this country. We have to continue to partner to sanitise the ports. The fight is a collective fight by all of us.” The leader of the delegation, Soji Apampa recalled that after meeting with ICPC in 2019, to discuss issues around the Nigeria’s ports, the Commission in collaboration with some other agencies, immediately swung into action through a sting operation which was very effective and led to increased productivity and efficiency over the years. “In 2019 we recorded 266 cases of demands of large unreceipted cash payments in dollars. Because of the sting operation by ICPC, this fell to 128 incidents. At first, we thought it was because of COVID that the officials are too scared. But the following year it came down to 84 cases. The year after that, it fell to only 48 and last year was 45 cases. “So, we can see that year in, year out, it continues to fall. Productivity and efficiency have gone up as a result of all these.” Apampa said that because of this achievement, countries like Egypt, Ukraine and India are now working to replicate the Nigerian “miracle. “We have also introduced it to Ghana, Senegal and Togo and the sentiment around the world is that if Nigeria can produce something that leads to change, then it is worthy of emulation. People are happy. We are receiving requests for support.” Apampa appealed to the ICPC boss to continue to partner with them to amplify this achievement in various world fora considering the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) which consistently shows Nigeria as though nothing is happening.
Nigerian Muslim hopefuls for this year’s pilgrimage, face a frustrating predicament. The National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON) has yet to finalize payments to service providers in Saudi Arabia, jeopardizing preparations for the holy journey. This delay stems from the fluctuating exchange rate between the Naira and the US dollar. Though NAHCON announced a Hajj fare based on an anticipated government subsidy of N800 per dollar, a verbal promise remains unconfirmed in writing. Many intending pilgrims have already completed payments based on the initial fare set by NAHCON. However, the lack of clarity regarding potential adjustments due to the currency fluctuation has caused considerable anxiety. The ambiguity surrounding government support is the primary obstacle. A clear statement from the presidency outlining its position on the subsidy would allow NAHCON to proceed with finalizing payments. The rising dollar rate has placed many pilgrims in a difficult position. If the government upholds its initial pledge, most pilgrims who have already paid will be able to make the journey. However, a withdrawal of the subsidy could force nearly half of them to abandon their plans, particularly farmers with limited resources to cover the additional costs. As a responsible government, transparency is crucial. A clear stance on the subsidy will not only protect its integrity but also determine the fate of many pilgrims’ aspirations. The economic hardship currently plaguing Nigeria underscores the significance of Hajj beyond its religious obligation. Prayers offered by pilgrims during this holy journey are vital for the nation’s well-being, fostering peace and potentially leading to a path out of the current crisis. The government has the power to facilitate a smooth Hajj experience for Nigerian Muslims. While budgetary constraints are a concern, the potential benefits of prayers for national unity and economic recovery should not be overlooked. With time running out before the pilgrimage, a swift and clear decision from the government is paramount. Nigerian Muslims deserve a definitive answer regarding the Hajj subsidy to prepare accordingly.
Mohammed Abdullahi writes from C53 Shika Road, Tudun Wada, Kaduna
Since the conclusion of my ‘missionary journey’ to Aso Rock almost 14 years ago, I have written more than a dozen columns on the need to reform the budgeting process in Nigeria. Notable ones include ‘The Illusion of Budget Performance’, ‘Budget War and Dysfunctional Envelope System’, ‘Buhari and the Budget Palaver’, ‘Nigeria’s 2016 Zero Budget!’ and ‘Of Government and Budget Blues’. The kernel of these interventions has always been to underscore the fact that what we call budget in Nigeria is essentially about the distribution of ‘political spoils.’ I have also repeatedly referenced a Twitter thread by ‘Laolu Samuel-Biyi who once concluded: “If you want to keep hope alive in Nigeria, don’t look at the budget.” Had I heeded that admonition I would not have spent the whole of Monday and the better part of Tuesday perusing the 1000-page ‘2024 Appropriation Act FGN Budget Details Volume One’. By the time I was done, I was depressed enough not to bother with volume two of the same report. That second volume contains 1962 pages plus an additional 55 pages that are devoted to chronicling “Zonal Intervention Projects.” Had our lawmakers been content with what they will get from that aspect of the budget, we probably would not have had this controversy. But before I get ahead of myself, it is appropriate to ask: What exactly was I looking for? Last Saturday, Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi alleged that the N28.7 trillion 2024 budget being implemented by President Bola Tinubu was “done underground” with an “added sum of N3 trillion.” He then delved into the arena of sectional politics. The presidency was quick to debunk Ningi’s allegation, accusing him of lying. At the end, I was not surprised that Ningi received a three-month suspension from the senate or that he walked back on his allegation. There is neither North nor South, East nor West when it comes to sharing the proverbial ‘national cake’ at the National Assembly. This much could be glimpsed from the contribution of Senator Agom Jarigbe before he was shouted down. “All of us are culpable. Some so-called senior senators here got N500 million each from the 2024 budget. I am a ranking Senator; I didn’t get anything. No senator has any right to accuse Senator Ningi…” Jarigbe said to the displeasure of colleagues, in a scene described by a former governor as ‘Off the Mic 2.0.’ No matter how ill-motivated his allegations may be, Ningi cannot be casually dismissed. He is one of the most experienced lawmakers in Nigeria today having served in the National Assembly since 1999. He has also, at different times, been Majority Leader in the House of Representatives as well as in the Senate. When a man like that makes such weighty allegations, it is safe to conclude that there is no smoke without fire. But let’s first look at the bigger picture in the 2024 budget. Under ‘Capital Supplementation’ (please don’t ask me what that means or how to explain the details below) many items come with round figure sums which raises questions about the process by which they were arrived at. For instance, ‘Contingency (Capital)’ has a vote of N200 billion; ‘Outstanding Liabilities’, N50 billion; ‘Clean Energy Initiatives: Development of Local Infrastructure, Conversion to CNG, Electric Vehicles etc.’, N130 billion; ‘Consumer Credit Fund’, N100 billion; ‘Infrastructure Project Preparation Fund’, N21 billion; ‘Mortgage Development Promotion Fund’, N65 billion; ‘Recapitalization of Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI)’, N20 billion; ‘Restructuring/Recapitalization of NIPOST’, N10 billion; ‘Special Projects SGD’, N30 billion; ‘Subscription to shares in International Organizations’, N15 billion; ‘Recapitalisation of Development Finance Institutions’, N10 billion etc. The interesting bits of course come with the breakdown of budgets for the Ministries Department and Agencies (MDAs). I have decided to pick the budget of the Ministry of Works. Not because of the quantum of money allocated to the ministry (more than a trillion Naira) but rather because I recently commended the Minister, Dave Umahi when he made a declaration of preference for concrete roads as opposed to bitumen roads in the country. From the budget, I doubt if he would be constructing any serious road this year—bitumen or concrete. As an aside, in view of Senator Jarigbe’s allegation, I did ‘research’ on the N500 million projects. There are nine road constructions/rehabilitations under the Ministry of Works with each allocated N500,410,000. Two are in Akwa Ibom State, another two for the Ibadan-Ogbomosho Expressroad, one for the Enugu-Port Harcourt Road, one for the Ilorin-Jebba-Mokwa Road, and one for the Bida-Lambata Road in Niger State. The one for the ‘Ifaki-Oye-Ayedun-Omuo-Kogi border in Ekiti State’ is simply for a rounded figure of N500 million without any ‘addendum’. In the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, 20 projects totalling N18 billion (and most of which have nothing to do with agriculture) are going to Akwa Ibom North West senatorial district being represented by Senate President Godswill Akpabio. There are also five ‘empowerment’ projects in the Ministry of Women Affairs each costing N500 million, all to the same senatorial district in Akwa Ibom State. You find many such projects in the constituencies of National Assembly Principal Officers across several ministries. And these are not part of the ‘zonal intervention projects’ that are solely for the lawmakers. Now, to the Ministry of Works. The 2024 capital budget for the ministry is N916,574,239,856. There is an additional allocation of N70,611,518,333 for the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA). Aside the N2.2 billion for vehicles and N4.1 billion for electricity, provision for the construction of roads takes N438 billion while ‘Construction of Infrastructure’ takes N209 billion. Then you have another 242.9 billion allocations for ‘Rehabilitation/Repair’ of roads. In all, I counted 961 projects in the ministry’s 2024 budget listed as ONGOING. Interestingly, I have been told by those who should know that when you see ONGOING after a project, it is to circumvent the public procurement process. Many could be new projects. But let’s even leave that matter for now. Any critical observer will see that most of these ‘ONGOINGs’ are just about leaving small money ‘on the table’ for some local operatives, considering the amounts involved. For instance, there is a vote of N4.1 million each (yes, N4.1 million) for more than 20 ‘ongoing’ road constructions/rehabilitations in this ministry. They include ‘Special Repairs of Ilesa-Ijebu Road in Osun State Route number F117 (Phase 2)’; ‘Special Repairs of Birni Kebbi-Argungu-Kan Iyaka (Sokoto State border) Route 219’; ‘Special Repairs of Talatan-Marafan Sokoto Border Road, Routes 85’ and so many others. If we can excuse all that, what about the vote of N1.4 million for each of these major projects? ‘Reconstruction of Benin-Warri Dual Carriageway (Section 3: Ibada-Elume-Warri) (Km 66+275-KM+800 in Delta State’; ‘Construction of Bidda-Sacci-Nupeco Road across River Niger linking Nupeco and Patigi in Niger/Kwara State’ etc. I know we have magicians in Nigeria but to construct a road and bridge across River Niger for N1.4 million is something else. Under NEW projects which I will come to shortly, there is also a N1.4 million vote for the ‘Rehabilitation of Makurdi-Gboko-Katsina Ala Road’. The ‘Design and Construction of Ogrite (Enugu State)—Akpanya-Oduru (Kogi State) Extension 2 With Extension to Obollo Afor’ takes N61.5 million. The same amount is voted for ‘Washout and Critical Threatened Road Section of Federal Road in Kaduna State’ and more than 30 other road projects across the country. And please don’t bother to correct the grammar. I merely dubbed what is in the 2024 appropriation law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. And please also don’t ask me how; but those amounts of money will leave the treasuries. If the above are for ‘local operatives,’ we can guess to whom no fewer than 85 percent of the road projects with the same amounts of monetary allocations would go. About 130 of them have a vote of N71,750,000 (that’s N71.7 million) each, while most of the rest are either N61,500,000 or N287,000,000 or N100,410,000. The interesting thing about the last figure is that two votes stand out. ‘Construction of Ikorodu-Itoikin Road (Sabo Roundabout to Itoikin Market)’ goes for N1,100,410,000. For the ‘Construction of Malando Garin Baka Wara Road in Kebbi State’ it is going for N10,100,410,000. Obviously, some people are clever at juggling figures! Collectively, we have about 1200 road projects (ONGOING and NEW) in the Ministry of Works. With the budget already cannibalized, Nigerians who expect Umahi’s ‘concrete roads’ would wait in vain. Let’s now go to some of the NEW projects of which there are 237. Most of them are also in round figure sums, ranging between N10 million and N100 million. Of course, there are also ‘small potatoes’ here. Like the ‘Improvement of Electricity to Shagari Town, Sokoto State’, with a vote of N1 million! Same for the ‘Improvement of Electricity Supply to Argungu-Iyabo, Sokoto Community’. If you think such amounts make no sense or imagine the projects should be under the Ministry of Power, then you don’t understand budget in Nigeria. Meanwhile, what you find in the Ministry of Works is replicated in all the other MDAs where monies are simply shared. For instance, under the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, you have a vote of N100 million for the ‘Renovation and Equipping of Block of Classrooms in Selected Communities of Yewa North LGA and Imeko Afon LGA in Ogun State.’ I guess that is part of ‘boosting food security’ in the country! Overall, if you combine the N1.2 trillion ‘officially added’ by the National Assembly (which President Bola Tinubu has gleefully accepted) to other insertions, you will be looking at around 30 percent of the capital budget that does not pass the test of transparency and accountability. But nobody is deceived. The insertions are not only for the lawmakers, many of the ‘projects’ are also for members of the executive and judiciary as well as their friends in the private sector. That’s the way we roll with budgets in Nigeria. The more interesting thing is that if you check the budgets of previous years, they are based on the same template. What I find disturbing is that President Tinubu is comfortable with what the National Assembly has done with the 2024 budget and is even defending it. This is strange. Signing the 2022 Appropriation Bill into law two years ago, then President Muhammadu Buhari expressed concern over the alterations made by the National Assembly. These changes, according to him, “are in the form of new insertions, outright removals, reductions and/or increases in the amounts allocated to projects.” He added that ‘‘provisions made for as many as 10,733 projects were reduced while 6,576 new projects were introduced into the budget by the National Assembly.” The distortions by the National Assembly on allocations for those critical projects, Buhari further warned, “may render the projects unimplementable or set back their completion.” He added that most of these projects “relate to matters that are basically the responsibilities of states and local governments, and do not appear to have been properly conceptualised, designed and costed. And many more projects have been added to the budgets of some MDAs with no consideration for the institutional capacity to execute the additional projects and/or for the incremental recurrent expenditure that may be required.’’ The National Assembly of course fought back and Buhari capitulated. But we cannot continue this way. Reforming the budgeting process is important if we want to develop as a nation. That will not happen until our lawmakers become alive to their oversight responsibility. Section 88, subsection 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution expects the National Assembly to “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it”. But how can they do that effectively when they engage in a politically incestuous relationship with the executive? If you speak to any of our lawmakers, they will remind you that even in the United States, there is what is called ‘Earmark’ which refers to ‘federal spending for a specific project for a particular congressional district, locality, or state.’ What they would not tell you is that even in the United States, so controversial are these spendings (most often linked with corruption) that they were dispensed with for ten years and only returned in 2021. Besides, the budgeting guidelines from the Congress Committees on Appropriations has capped earmark spending at no more than 1 percent. And in the US, lawmakers are not the contractors for these projects, unlike what obtains here. My authority on that is no other than Akpabio who, as Niger Delta Minister, confirmed that most of the contracts in the MDAs go to our federal lawmakers. For me, the value of Ningi’s allegation is the opportunity for a conversation on budgeting process, if we are truly serious about changing the narrative of our country. As I have always argued, the current regime of ‘envelope system’ which essentially means that we simply determine spending categories rather than spending priorities, cannot serve our nation. With resource allocation made to resemble a distribution of spoils rather than a collective plan for an integrated whole, it is difficult to blame the National Assembly members for the insertion of projects because they are merely aping what they know members of the executive did with the proposal submitted to them. Ministers, heads of parastatals and top bureaucrats (who did not go through the rigour of any election) also insert projects not only for themselves but their principals. As I wrote two years ago, one only needs to check the number of federal government projects being taken to Daura under Buhari to understand this. Yet, when a national budget is reduced to sharing public resources between and among powerful interests as it has become in Nigeria, how can a society develop? In my book: ‘Power, Politics and Death,’ I highlighted what happened with the 2008 budget which the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was reluctant to sign due to what he considered the extreme meddlesomeness of the lawmakers. The main contention at that time was that the lawmakers had virtually rewritten the budget by introducing several clauses in contravention of the principle of separation of powers and inserting several projects with costs that were arrived at through guess work. “In summary, the legislators unilaterally initiated projects for which they provided money without any input from the executive which ordinarily should design, cost, execute and supervise such projects” I wrote, recounting how and why the option of judicial interpretation from the Supreme Court was eventually discarded. That we are still talking about the same problem 16 years after reflects the lack of accountability that drives public finance in Nigeria. With the suspension of Ningi, the National Assembly might imagine that everything has been resolved. It has not. We will not ‘Off the Mic’ on this issue. As I stated in the past, while the idea of restructuring may mean different things to different people, what some of us have always advocated is a serious national conversation around the appropriate institutional design to make government and those who hold the levers of power (whether in the executive, judiciary, or legislature) accountable to Nigerians. It is about how we can harness the much-touted potential for the greater good of our people. This will not happen until we reform critical areas of our national life. That includes the budgeting process! I wish all my Muslim readers Ramadan Kareem!
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), has dragged former Kogi State governor, Yahaya Adoza Bello before Justice James Omotosho of the Federal High Court, Maitama, Abuja for alleged N84 billion money laundering offences, alongside his nephew Ali Bello, Dauda Sulaiman and Abdulsalam Hudu. The EFCC is prosecuting the quartet on an amended 17-count charge of money laundering, breach of trust and misappropriation of fund to tune of N84, 062,406,089.88 (Eighty-four Billion, Sixty-two Million, Four Hundred and Six Thousand, Eighty-nine Naira, Eighty-eight Kobo). To make way for Yahaya Bello’s inclusion in the trial, prosecution counsel Rotimi Oyedepo (SAN), informed the court of an application before it for the amendment of the charges against the defendants, dated February 5, 2024, and filed the same day. He then prayed that the amended charges be read to the defendants for them to take their pleas. The judge granted the prayer, overruling objections from A.M Aliyu (SAN) and Olusegun Joolawo (SAN), counsels to Ali Bello and Suleiman, first and second defendants. Count one of the charges reads: “That you, Ali Bello, Dauda Suleiman, Yahaya Adoza Bello (still at large) and Abdulsalam Hudu (still at large), sometime in September, 2015 in Abuja, within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, conspired amongst yourselves to convert the total sum of N80,246,470,089.88 (Eighty Billion, Two Hundred and Forty-six Million, Four Hundred and Seventy Thousand, Eighty-nine Naira, Eighty-eight Kobo), which sum you reasonably ought to have known forms part of the proceeds of your unlawful activity to wit: criminal breach of trust and you thereby committed an offence contrary to Section 18(b) and punishable under Section 15 (3) of the Money Laundering (Prohibition) Act, 2011 as amended.” While ex-Governor Yahaya Bello and Hudu were not around, Ali Bello and Suleiman, first and second defendants respectively, who were present in court “pleaded not guilty” to all the charges when they were read to them. In continuation of the trial, Oyedepo invited fourth Prosecution Witness, PW4, Yakubu Gana, counsel to the property owner and seller of a property located in Danube Street, Maitama, Abuja which Ali Bello and Suleiman allegedly bought at the cost of N950 million on behalf of ex-governor Yahaya Bello through their lawyer, Ramalan Jibril Abdullahi. Gana said: “we negotiated and agreed on the sum of N950 million. Their lawyer, Ramalan Abdullahi, said his clients would prefer to pay in cash and in dollars. I had to call my client to inform him because he was not in the country at that time. My client cautioned me whether I knew the buyers, and I answered I knew their lawyer way back in secondary school. “The lawyer and the clients invited me into their office, a bureau de change office at Zone 4, adjacent to Sheraton, now Abuja Continental Hotel. “They then showed me dollars in ‘Ghana must go,’ but the dollars in ‘Ghana must go’ was not up to that N950million. “They said they would make it up by bringing some dollars to make it to N950 million. The transaction took us almost two weeks, and the lawyer invited me to the same BDC office for confirmation, then the money was completed in dollar equivalent.” In his testimony as fifth prosecution witness, Abdullahi told the court that though he acted as a go-between in the purchase of the property, his major assignment was to carry out due diligence on the said property which paved the way for its purchase by Ali Bello and Suleiman, his clients. Oyedepo requested for the property’s title documents to enable him to tender them in evidence. However, Justice Omotosho ordered him to formally apply to the defendants and thereafter adjourned the matter to March 28, 2024 for continuation of trial.
Spokesman to the Senate, Senator Yemi Adaramodu has berated the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for calling on the Senate President, Senator Akpabio to resign over the unfounded claim of N3.7 trillion budget padding, an allegations by the suspended Senator representing Bauchi Central, Abdul Ningi. Adaramodu in a reaction today to the PDP call, as Chairman Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, said: “The PDP has elevated chicanery to statecraft and fatally failed in their sordid attempt to hoodwink the unsuspecting public, on the ineffectual but spurious allegations of budget padding. “The party’s ludicrous call for the resignation of Senator Godswill Akpabio as the Senate President is unthinkable and shows the party as a massaging balm for falsehood and immoral Legislative outbursts. He stated that Akpabio will not resign and has no intention to resign at any time because he has not committed any wrong doing to warrant a resignation.” According to him, it is shocking that the PDP leadership could not comprehend what transpired at Tuesday’s plenary where the allegations were debated and Senator Abdul Ningi,who was given the ample opportunity to defend himself and prove the budget padding allegations was suspended after he failed to substantiate his claims in the full glare of the public. He said that contrary to the contention by the PDP that N3.7 trillion was discreetly inserted into the 2024 budget for alleged non-existent projects, and what transpired on the floor of the Chamber, “it is open knowledge that no such absurdity is found in the budget passed by the National Assembly and signed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, which is being implemented judiciously by the Federal government. Perhaps, the N3.7trn being mentioned in the PDP’s shocking statement exists only in the fickle minds of its purveyors and serves as a dubious version of the budget generated by PDP’s ‘unidentified political flying objects.’ Senator Adaramodu said that the Senate did not in any way violate the constitution or its standing Rules and Orders, in not referring the matter to a relevant committee but the decision to take the issue in the Committee of the Whole was for transparency and fairness; and to afford the public the opportunity to follow the proceedings and have a value judgement as to who was lying to the nation. Albeit, it is the constitutional responsibility of the Senate to vary and determine its internal rules, as deem fit. According to him: “Contrary to the unspeakable grandstanding, Senator Ningi was never intimidated nor harassed, neither was he gagged nor denied the privilege to exercise his right of reply as the senator was given ample opportunity to defend himself. But the whole world saw how he floundered, since he had no verifiable facts to substantiate his allegations and his futile efforts to defend lies. “So, the decision to debate the matter in the Committee of the Whole was in sync with the resolve of the leadership of the 10th Senate under Senator Akpabio to stand for transparency, justice and fairness. “The proceedings of the plenary were transmitted live by at least five popular national television stations, making all right thinking people to wonder the basis on which the PDP is questioning the process. The PDP expected the Senate to sweep the unfounded allegations under the carpet but the 10th Senate under the leadership of Senate President Akpabio has zero tolerance for corruption, insipid lies and egregious falsehood such as the N3.7trn budget padding allegations and could not have conducted the investigation in the closet as suggested by the PDP. “Making the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio the fruit to receive the stones is curious, the Senate and the House of Representatives made the Appropriations law, hence the suspended Senator disparaged and impugned on the social, political and Legislative integrity of all. “No amount of lies and fake allegations will distract the 10th Senate, under Senator Godswill Akpabio, from delivering good legislation and effective oversight for which Nigerians elected us for.”
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The Nigerian military authorities have confirmed the loss of one commanding officer, two majors, one captain and 12 soldiers to Delta State community youths.
Ningi And The ‘Underground’ Budget, By Olusegun Adeniyi
Since the conclusion of my ‘missionary journey’ to Aso Rock almost 14 years ago, I have written more than a dozen columns on the need to reform the budgeting process in Nigeria. Notable ones include ‘The Illusion of Budget Performance’, ‘Budget War and Dysfunctional Envelope System’, ‘Buhari and the Budget Palaver’, ‘Nigeria’s 2016 Zero Budget!’ and ‘Of Government and Budget Blues’. The kernel of these interventions has always been to underscore the fact that what we call budget in Nigeria is essentially about the distribution of ‘political spoils.’ I have also repeatedly referenced a Twitter thread by ‘Laolu Samuel-Biyi who once concluded: “If you want to keep hope alive in Nigeria, don’t look at the budget.”
Had I heeded that admonition I would not have spent the whole of Monday and the better part of Tuesday perusing the 1000-page ‘2024 Appropriation Act FGN Budget Details Volume One’. By the time I was done, I was depressed enough not to bother with volume two of the same report. That second volume contains 1962 pages plus an additional 55 pages that are devoted to chronicling “Zonal Intervention Projects.” Had our lawmakers been content with what they will get from that aspect of the budget, we probably would not have had this controversy. But before I get ahead of myself, it is appropriate to ask: What exactly was I looking for?
Last Saturday, Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi alleged that the N28.7 trillion 2024 budget being implemented by President Bola Tinubu was “done underground” with an “added sum of N3 trillion.”
He then delved into the arena of sectional politics. The presidency was quick to debunk Ningi’s allegation, accusing him of lying. At the end, I was not surprised that Ningi received a three-month suspension from the senate or that he walked back on his allegation. There is neither North nor South, East nor West when it comes to sharing the proverbial ‘national cake’ at the National Assembly. This much could be glimpsed from the contribution of Senator Agom Jarigbe before he was shouted down.
“All of us are culpable. Some so-called senior senators here got N500 million each from the 2024 budget. I am a ranking Senator; I didn’t get anything. No senator has any right to accuse Senator Ningi…” Jarigbe said to the displeasure of colleagues, in a scene described by a former governor as ‘Off the Mic 2.0.’
No matter how ill-motivated his allegations may be, Ningi cannot be casually dismissed. He is one of the most experienced lawmakers in Nigeria today having served in the National Assembly since 1999. He has also, at different times, been Majority Leader in the House of Representatives as well as in the Senate. When a man like that makes such weighty allegations, it is safe to conclude that there is no smoke without fire. But let’s first look at the bigger picture in the 2024 budget.
Under ‘Capital Supplementation’ (please don’t ask me what that means or how to explain the details below) many items come with round figure sums which raises questions about the process by which they were arrived at. For instance, ‘Contingency (Capital)’ has a vote of N200 billion; ‘Outstanding Liabilities’, N50 billion; ‘Clean Energy Initiatives: Development of Local Infrastructure, Conversion to CNG, Electric Vehicles etc.’, N130 billion; ‘Consumer Credit Fund’, N100 billion; ‘Infrastructure Project Preparation Fund’, N21 billion; ‘Mortgage Development Promotion Fund’, N65 billion; ‘Recapitalization of Ministry of Finance Incorporated (MOFI)’, N20 billion; ‘Restructuring/Recapitalization of NIPOST’, N10 billion; ‘Special Projects SGD’, N30 billion; ‘Subscription to shares in International Organizations’, N15 billion; ‘Recapitalisation of Development Finance Institutions’, N10 billion etc.
The interesting bits of course come with the breakdown of budgets for the Ministries Department and Agencies (MDAs). I have decided to pick the budget of the Ministry of Works. Not because of the quantum of money allocated to the ministry (more than a trillion Naira) but rather because I recently commended the Minister, Dave Umahi when he made a declaration of preference for concrete roads as opposed to bitumen roads in the country. From the budget, I doubt if he would be constructing any serious road this year—bitumen or concrete.
As an aside, in view of Senator Jarigbe’s allegation, I did ‘research’ on the N500 million projects. There are nine road constructions/rehabilitations under the Ministry of Works with each allocated N500,410,000. Two are in Akwa Ibom State, another two for the Ibadan-Ogbomosho Expressroad, one for the Enugu-Port Harcourt Road, one for the Ilorin-Jebba-Mokwa Road, and one for the Bida-Lambata Road in Niger State. The one for the ‘Ifaki-Oye-Ayedun-Omuo-Kogi border in Ekiti State’ is simply for a rounded figure of N500 million without any ‘addendum’. In the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, 20 projects totalling N18 billion (and most of which have nothing to do with agriculture) are going to Akwa Ibom North West senatorial district being represented by Senate President Godswill Akpabio. There are also five ‘empowerment’ projects in the Ministry of Women Affairs each costing N500 million, all to the same senatorial district in Akwa Ibom State. You find many such projects in the constituencies of National Assembly Principal Officers across several ministries. And these are not part of the ‘zonal intervention projects’ that are solely for the lawmakers.
Now, to the Ministry of Works. The 2024 capital budget for the ministry is N916,574,239,856. There is an additional allocation of N70,611,518,333 for the Federal Road Maintenance Agency (FERMA). Aside the N2.2 billion for vehicles and N4.1 billion for electricity, provision for the construction of roads takes N438 billion while ‘Construction of Infrastructure’ takes N209 billion. Then you have another 242.9 billion allocations for ‘Rehabilitation/Repair’ of roads.
In all, I counted 961 projects in the ministry’s 2024 budget listed as ONGOING. Interestingly, I have been told by those who should know that when you see ONGOING after a project, it is to circumvent the public procurement process. Many could be new projects. But let’s even leave that matter for now. Any critical observer will see that most of these ‘ONGOINGs’ are just about leaving small money ‘on the table’ for some local operatives, considering the amounts involved. For instance, there is a vote of N4.1 million each (yes, N4.1 million) for more than 20 ‘ongoing’ road constructions/rehabilitations in this ministry. They include ‘Special Repairs of Ilesa-Ijebu Road in Osun State Route number F117 (Phase 2)’; ‘Special Repairs of Birni Kebbi-Argungu-Kan Iyaka (Sokoto State border) Route 219’; ‘Special Repairs of Talatan-Marafan Sokoto Border Road, Routes 85’ and so many others. If we can excuse all that, what about the vote of N1.4 million for each of these major projects? ‘Reconstruction of Benin-Warri Dual Carriageway (Section 3: Ibada-Elume-Warri) (Km 66+275-KM+800 in Delta State’; ‘Construction of Bidda-Sacci-Nupeco Road across River Niger linking Nupeco and Patigi in Niger/Kwara State’ etc.
I know we have magicians in Nigeria but to construct a road and bridge across River Niger for N1.4 million is something else. Under NEW projects which I will come to shortly, there is also a N1.4 million vote for the ‘Rehabilitation of Makurdi-Gboko-Katsina Ala Road’. The ‘Design and Construction of Ogrite (Enugu State)—Akpanya-Oduru (Kogi State) Extension 2 With Extension to Obollo Afor’ takes N61.5 million. The same amount is voted for ‘Washout and Critical Threatened Road Section of Federal Road in Kaduna State’ and more than 30 other road projects across the country. And please don’t bother to correct the grammar. I merely dubbed what is in the 2024 appropriation law of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. And please also don’t ask me how; but those amounts of money will leave the treasuries.
If the above are for ‘local operatives,’ we can guess to whom no fewer than 85 percent of the road projects with the same amounts of monetary allocations would go. About 130 of them have a vote of N71,750,000 (that’s N71.7 million) each, while most of the rest are either N61,500,000 or N287,000,000 or N100,410,000. The interesting thing about the last figure is that two votes stand out. ‘Construction of Ikorodu-Itoikin Road (Sabo Roundabout to Itoikin Market)’ goes for N1,100,410,000. For the ‘Construction of Malando Garin Baka Wara Road in Kebbi State’ it is going for N10,100,410,000. Obviously, some people are clever at juggling figures!
Collectively, we have about 1200 road projects (ONGOING and NEW) in the Ministry of Works. With the budget already cannibalized, Nigerians who expect Umahi’s ‘concrete roads’ would wait in vain. Let’s now go to some of the NEW projects of which there are 237. Most of them are also in round figure sums, ranging between N10 million and N100 million. Of course, there are also ‘small potatoes’ here. Like the ‘Improvement of Electricity to Shagari Town, Sokoto State’, with a vote of N1 million! Same for the ‘Improvement of Electricity Supply to Argungu-Iyabo, Sokoto Community’. If you think such amounts make no sense or imagine the projects should be under the Ministry of Power, then you don’t understand budget in Nigeria.
Meanwhile, what you find in the Ministry of Works is replicated in all the other MDAs where monies are simply shared. For instance, under the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security, you have a vote of N100 million for the ‘Renovation and Equipping of Block of Classrooms in Selected Communities of Yewa North LGA and Imeko Afon LGA in Ogun State.’ I guess that is part of ‘boosting food security’ in the country!
Overall, if you combine the N1.2 trillion ‘officially added’ by the National Assembly (which President Bola Tinubu has gleefully accepted) to other insertions, you will be looking at around 30 percent of the capital budget that does not pass the test of transparency and accountability. But nobody is deceived. The insertions are not only for the lawmakers, many of the ‘projects’ are also for members of the executive and judiciary as well as their friends in the private sector. That’s the way we roll with budgets in Nigeria. The more interesting thing is that if you check the budgets of previous years, they are based on the same template.
What I find disturbing is that President Tinubu is comfortable with what the National Assembly has done with the 2024 budget and is even defending it. This is strange. Signing the 2022 Appropriation Bill into law two years ago, then President Muhammadu Buhari expressed concern over the alterations made by the National Assembly. These changes, according to him, “are in the form of new insertions, outright removals, reductions and/or increases in the amounts allocated to projects.” He added that ‘‘provisions made for as many as 10,733 projects were reduced while 6,576 new projects were introduced into the budget by the National Assembly.”
The distortions by the National Assembly on allocations for those critical projects, Buhari further warned, “may render the projects unimplementable or set back their completion.” He added that most of these projects “relate to matters that are basically the responsibilities of states and local governments, and do not appear to have been properly conceptualised, designed and costed. And many more projects have been added to the budgets of some MDAs with no consideration for the institutional capacity to execute the additional projects and/or for the incremental recurrent expenditure that may be required.’’
The National Assembly of course fought back and Buhari capitulated. But we cannot continue this way. Reforming the budgeting process is important if we want to develop as a nation. That will not happen until our lawmakers become alive to their oversight responsibility. Section 88, subsection 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution expects the National Assembly to “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it”. But how can they do that effectively when they engage in a politically incestuous relationship with the executive?
If you speak to any of our lawmakers, they will remind you that even in the United States, there is what is called ‘Earmark’ which refers to ‘federal spending for a specific project for a particular congressional district, locality, or state.’ What they would not tell you is that even in the United States, so controversial are these spendings (most often linked with corruption) that they were dispensed with for ten years and only returned in 2021. Besides, the budgeting guidelines from the Congress Committees on Appropriations has capped earmark spending at no more than 1 percent. And in the US, lawmakers are not the contractors for these projects, unlike what obtains here. My authority on that is no other than Akpabio who, as Niger Delta Minister, confirmed that most of the contracts in the MDAs go to our federal lawmakers.
For me, the value of Ningi’s allegation is the opportunity for a conversation on budgeting process, if we are truly serious about changing the narrative of our country. As I have always argued, the current regime of ‘envelope system’ which essentially means that we simply determine spending categories rather than spending priorities, cannot serve our nation. With resource allocation made to resemble a distribution of spoils rather than a collective plan for an integrated whole, it is difficult to blame the National Assembly members for the insertion of projects because they are merely aping what they know members of the executive did with the proposal submitted to them. Ministers, heads of parastatals and top bureaucrats (who did not go through the rigour of any election) also insert projects not only for themselves but their principals. As I wrote two years ago, one only needs to check the number of federal government projects being taken to Daura under Buhari to understand this. Yet, when a national budget is reduced to sharing public resources between and among powerful interests as it has become in Nigeria, how can a society develop?
In my book: ‘Power, Politics and Death,’ I highlighted what happened with the 2008 budget which the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was reluctant to sign due to what he considered the extreme meddlesomeness of the lawmakers. The main contention at that time was that the lawmakers had virtually rewritten the budget by introducing several clauses in contravention of the principle of separation of powers and inserting
several projects with costs that were arrived at through guess work. “In summary, the legislators unilaterally initiated projects for which they provided money without any input from the executive which ordinarily should design, cost, execute and supervise such projects” I wrote, recounting how and why the option of judicial interpretation from the Supreme Court was eventually discarded.
That we are still talking about the same problem 16 years after reflects the lack of accountability that drives public finance in Nigeria.
With the suspension of Ningi, the National Assembly might imagine that everything has been resolved. It has not. We will not ‘Off the Mic’ on this issue. As I stated in the past, while the idea of restructuring may mean different things to different people, what some of us have always advocated is a serious national conversation around the appropriate institutional design to make government and those who hold the levers of power (whether in the executive, judiciary, or legislature) accountable to Nigerians. It is about how we can harness the much-touted potential for the greater good of our people. This will not happen until we reform critical areas of our national life. That includes the budgeting process!
I wish all my Muslim readers Ramadan Kareem!