Libya: “No Brother In The Jungle,” By Reuben Abati

Arab countries have a tradition of slavery dating back to centuries. This has persisted despite the existence of international conventions and legal frameworks classifying slavery as a crime against humanity. The current situation in Libya, involving slavery and human trafficking, has been brought to global attention because we now live in the age of communication where nothing good or bad can be hidden forever. But the situation is far worse than has been depicted. The Nigerians who have been brought back from Libya have told heart-rending stories of woe and misery: how they were sold into slavery by the Arabs and by their own Nigerian brothers and sisters, how they were subjected to all forms of indignity including rape, extortion, and torture, and how living in Libya is now the equivalent of a trip to hell. Quite a number of issues deserve closer interrogation to enable us appreciate the depth of this crisis.
The Libyan story today is a sorry advertisement for the abuse of NATO and the failure of the American foreign policy process. The multinational coalition that intervened in the Libyan civil war in 2011 and made the removal of Libyan strongman Muammar Ghadaffi its primary objective must by now be full of regrets. It is instructive that former US President Barack Obama has described the failure to think through the consequences of that intervention as the “worst mistake” of his Presidency. The character of that mistake lies in the fact that NATO and other forces despite the division among the global powers on the question of Libya, saw the internal crisis in Libya as an opportunity to deal with a man who had been labeled at various times as the “mad dog of the Middle East”, and who was gradually expressing “imperialist ambitions” – “the king of kings of Africa” with a pan-African vision. NATO’s intervention was an act of vendetta, an orchestrated punishment for a man who had been declared guilty of dictatorship. It was most convenient for the multinational coalition, with its eyes fixed on Libya’s oil, to support the rebels. The result is the mayhem that has overtaken Libya since the fall of Ghadaffi.
Under Ghadaffi’s watch, Libya was a stable, organized society. Following the bloodless coup that led to the flight into exile of King Idris 1 in 1969, the new leader, Muammar Ghadaffi, not only abolished the monarchy, he embarked on a mission of unifying the various clans under the umbrella of Libyan nationalism. He seized control of the country’s oil infrastructure from Western interests and redistributed wealth by creating a welfare system. The average Libyan had access to free housing, free medical care, and free education. The government provided infrastructure, and although Ghadaffi soon became a practical dictator, he managed to grow a sense of Libyan identity and unity.
Seeing himself as a pan-Africanist, he encouraged closer relations with other African nations. Many Africans from Egypt, Sudan, Nigeria and other African countries lived and worked in Libya, even if many of them took the menial jobs that an average Libyan would not touch – at that time. The country’s foreign reserve was about $200 billion. Its life expectancy and literacy rates were among the highest in Africa and the Arab world. The average Libyan enjoyed many opportunities except the freedom to be different or query the government and the Constitution. Those who removed and killed Ghadaffi didn’t realize how much of a potentially divided country Libya was, and the extent of Ghadaffi’s efforts in managing the centrifugal tendencies.
After Ghadaffi, Libya imploded. Anything is possible in Libya today because there is no responsible government in charge. People are resorting to self-help. Anybody that is armed exercises authority and does anything to make money. The welfare state has collapsed, criminality is widespread: kidnapping, slavery, violence, the economy is in shambles. Clannish and sectarian differences now predominate. The country is drifting. Most of the people are like prisoners, including those who are gainfully employed. In the absence of a government, the international community appears helpless. This is the setting for the chaos and the humanitarian crisis that has overtaken that country.
Libya remains nonetheless, a major transit point and exit route for many Africans seeking to escape illegally into Europe. Libya, a country whose land area is almost twice the size of Nigeria, has over 2,000 kilometres of Mediterranean coastline from the Egyptian border to the Tunisian border. Frustrated by the objective conditions in their own countries, in the form of crippling poverty, misgovernance, unemployment and the difficulty of getting a visa or being able to buy a ticket to Europe, many Africans, particularly West Africans opt for the cheaper, albeit illegal option of sneaking into Europe through the desert and across the Mediterranean sea, with Libya and Algeria as the most popular exit points. This has always been a risky venture, but the traffic continues to grow. It is also an organized criminal operation involving gangs at home, and along the route. Nigerians constitute the majority of these illegal migrants.
Organized by a criminal gang at home, they usually travel through Niger, which is a contiguous, ECOWAS country. In Niger, another gang of human traffickers, mostly Touaregs take over from their Nigerian partners to take the illegal migrants across the desert to Libya. Only about 60-70% eventually make it to Libya. Many die along the way because of the harsh desert conditions and they are buried in the sand. Those who eventually make it to Libya are not necessarily lucky. They may be kidnapped at the border by rampaging Arab militants, turned into slaves, and asked to contact their families back home to pay ransom. The men are beaten; the women are raped. The images that we have seen from Libyan slave camps are sad. Arab racism has been an issue and violence towards foreigners is not necessarily new in Libya, but it is getting worse because now the issue is not strictly racism but the people’s desperation for survival in a state that failed.
It is estimated that about 500, 000 – 700, 000 Nigerians are trapped in Libya. The Obasanjo government once had to repatriate over 17, 000 Nigerians from that country. In the light of recent developments, the Buhari government has also repatriated over 1, 000 Nigerians from Libya in 2017 alone, but there is no hope that all of them can be brought back home. Many will like to return home, but they don’t even have the means to transport themselves to the evacuation points. Those that are not enslaved are still hoping to make enough money to be able to cross to Europe. They wash cars, work as farm hands or as security guards, or prostitutes, and they get exposed to all the dangers imaginable. The few who manage to make the final journey to Europe are not always lucky either: they could perish in the sea like the 26 Nigerian girls who recently drowned while trying to cross into Italy.
The saddest part of it all is that Nigerians are also involved in the trafficking and dehumanization of their own compatriots. In a shocking account by one Sunday Anyaegbunam, a Libyan returnee, who left Nigeria in April 2017, with his wife, we are told that: “The Nigerians selling people in Libya are more wicked than many of the Arabs. I have never seen people so heartless as the Nigerians who bought and sold me. There are many of them in Agadez and Sabha, who are making so much money from selling their own people. But there are other West Africans doing the business too. When you approach them and say “please, my brother, help me.” They would tell you: “No brother in the jungle”. Libya is indeed now a jungle in the hands of armed militants, the Islamic State, tribal gangs, and an interim leadership authority. The jungle is a dangerous place: which is why it is surprising that more Nigerians would prefer to abandon their own country and go to the jungle.
About 70% of the Libyan returnees are reportedly from Edo State, and in general most of them are from Edo, Delta, Imo, Anambra and Rivers states. But this is not enough reason for this problem to be treated as Southern Nigerian or Christian. This should not be about North or South, or Christian vs Muslim. It is unacceptable for every Nigerian issue to be reduced to this kind of division, the same way some Nigerians tend to dismiss Boko Haram as a Northern problem. This is a crisis that affects all of us. It is embarrassing that Nigerians are deserting their own country and flocking to Europe in droves despite the risks of illegal migration. In the 70s, many Nigerians were proud and happy to live at home, but since the introduction of austerity measures in the 80s and the gradual collapse of the Nigerian economy, a new kind of economy has since developed around dangerous choices.
The consequences are not limited to the tales from Libya. There are Nigerians in jail or on the death row across the world, in China, Thailand and the Middle East. We need to have a strong policy in place to check illegal migration. Massive enlightenment campaigns should be organized to educate the populace about the associated dangers. There is an assignment here for the National Orientation Agency (NOA), a strategic agency, which has been relatively sleepy since 2015. Our youths should be told that there is no safe route to Europe through the desert or a boat ride.
Everybody should wake up – government, civil society, and all the people who have abdicated their responsibilities at the level of the family unit. The human trafficking gangs in the country especially in the identified major centres should be tracked, identified and sanctioned. Government should create a conducive environment for our youths to make a living at home. Government has a constitutional responsibility to empower all Nigerians and to guarantee their security and welfare. Nigeria should also engage the government of Niger. What can we do to prevent illegal migration through Niger? This has to be a joint responsibility between Nigeria and Niger. Although Chad is not in ECOWAS, quite a number of Nigerians also travel through that route. Joint border patrol and exchange of useful intelligence between Nigeria and her neighbors would be advisable.
The Federal Government of Nigeria and its agencies, the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP) and the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Edo State Government and the International Organization on Migration, CNN, Pastor Temitope Joshua’s The Synagogue, Church of All Nations (SCOAN) and every other group or agency that has responded decently and responsibly to the plight of the Nigerians from Libya, and the evil of slavery in Libya, deserve to be commended. In spite of the deviousness of a minority who earn a living by dehumanizing their fellow human beings, it is enheartening to see that warm blood still flows in the heart of mankind. The Edo State government has put in place perhaps the most comprehensive rehabilitation programme for the Libya returnees: counseling, accommodation, vocational training, and take off grants after training.
These are worthy steps, but they are at best short-term. The long-term measures for all governments should be good governance, public enlightenment and concerted international action against slavery and all forms of cruelty and inhumanity. [myad]







Political Duplicity In Mariam Ali’s Defection To APC, By Sufuyan Ojeifo
The gale of defections in the nation’s political circles is not unexpected, given the nature of politics in our country. It is difficult to pin a Nigerian politician and his or her political party down to any political ideology and principle. This is so, given the level of poverty in the land, which gives rise to all manner of crimes both in and outside government. As a matter of fact, it is pretty difficult to idealize politics and pursue ideological leanings in the ecology of Nigeria’s public administration. The political system that authoritatively allocates values is inured in politics of prebendalism, in a sustained bid to privatise our commonwealth. Like ants scamper for sugar, the political mercantilists gravitate in the direction of our patrimony in order to plunder it.
This is what motivates their politics and engagements. They always, therefore, strategically position themselves within and around the corridors of power to access the goodies of public office. For them, the ruling party is the attraction and the right place to be. This explains why they jump ship either at the federal or state level. Such movements do not add value to the political system. They only help to satiate the desire of the politicians to belong to the mainstream party where their personal political interests can be accommodated and taken care of.
In recent times, we have witnessed the affliction of both the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) by the defection scourge. In a positive way, both have also benefited from the enterprise that has raised the political temperature of the nation. The interesting thing is that every politician that has defected has a thousand and one reasons to justify his or her action.
Former vice president Atiku Abubakar has just resigned from the APC and it has been authoritatively confirmed that his next port of call is the PDP, which he helped to found in 1998 and on which platform he was vice president from 1999 to 2007. By the time this piece is published, he might have fully settled in the PDP. Former senate president, Ken Nnamani resigned from the PDP and moved to the APC. An influential leader of the PDP in Enugu state, Chief Jim Nwobodo, left the PDP for the APC. In Lagos, former Minister of State for Defence, Musiliu Obanikoro, dumped the PDP for the APC. The list is seemingly inexhaustible.
However, the defection of Dr Mariam Nneamaka Ali, wife of former national chairman of the PDP, Dr Ahmadu Ali, from the party to the APC in Delta state is of more interest to me because of the duplicity inherent in the political enterprise. Mariam’s movement to the APC while her husband remains in the PDP smacks of sheer shenanigan. The truth is that I would not have made an issue out of this if the two lovebirds had decided to exit the PDP together having benefitted a whole lot together from the party and the government it produced at some time in the past.
Although former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, was reported to have said in a March 3, 2017 edition of The Punch newspaper, that PDP sank when he and Ahmadu Ali left the party; the report in Vanguard of November 24, 2017 about Mariam’s defection, wherein the APC was reported to have said that it expected that her husband, Ali, would soon align politically with her, confirmed somewhat that Ali is still in the PDP. Mariam was quoted in the report of her defection in THE NATION newspaper to have said that the fact that her husband is an active member of the PDP is a clear indication of the uniqueness of her family.
To further confirm that Ali is an active member of the PDP, a report by the New Telegraph of November 24, 2017 quoted a certain Kogi East Youths Organisation to have lampooned him for criticising or attacking the state governor, Yahaya Bello. According to a statement signed by the National President of the group, Mr Daniel Enemona, “Nothing explains the current desperation by Col. Ahmadu Ali and his co-travelers like the fact that his son, Ogala Ali, who served in successive PDP administrations in the state is now in the cold….”
It is thus safe for me to assume that Ali is still a bona fide PDP member, otherwise he should, without more ado, speak out. It is not enough for Obasanjo to claim that the PDP sank the day he and Ali left; Ali is in a better position to confirm his membership status. I hereby challenge him to let the world know where he is; and until he does that, he is still a member, who has benefitted so much from the party especially when he was in the saddle as national chairman and as Director-General of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Presidential Campaign Organisation.
Therefore, the decision by his wife, whose appointment into a juicy board position that he influenced, to defect to the APC while he remains in the PDP, is a cheap strategy of not putting their eggs in a basket. The unfolding scenario is that while his wife would access benefits in the APC, Ali would partake in the goodies in the PDP. Head or tail, it is not going to be a total loss for them, especially in the forthcoming 2019 presidential election. Whether it is APC or PDP, it will be all well and good for the Ali political family.
Besides, I must make the point that Mariam Ali has the right to freely associate with any political party of her choice and she has chosen the APC; but it is laughable to read her say that the only way for her to continue to render service to her people and Nigeria was through the APC. It is not in my place to question what service she rendered to her people as chairman of Nigerian Shippers Council while in the PDP where she was also appointed very briefly into the position of chairman of the board of Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and what service she wants to continue to render.
The point at issue here is that it is immoral (although they say there is no morality in politics) for Mariam to defect to the APC while Ali is staying back in the PDP. Ali should join his wife in the APC or in the alternative withdraw from active politics to play the role of an unbiased statesman. Will Ali make this move? Until he does so, I will comfortably see the Ali political family as wanting to make certain that it does not lose out completely in 2019. This is a deceptive political scheme. And, toeing the path of chicanery for political expediency is not how to build a lasting and enviable legacy.
Ojeifo, Editor-in-Chief of The Congresswatch magazine, contributed this piece from Abuja via ojwonderngr@yahoo.com. [myad]