We have arrived again at the anniversary of June 12 Presidential Election, that event that laid bare the intent of the military dictator, General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, to subject Nigerians to an unending farce in the guise of seeking a credible national democratic election. For a time, the points went to the military leadership who continued the musical chairs started in 1966. But the persistence of pro-democracy resistance was such that in the end, a coup against the movement had to be within the confines of civilian rule. As we bear witness to the reactions of certain parts of the country to the 2015 elections, the most promising since 1993, it shows us that what Nigeria lost in that singular opportunity where a country came together behind one man, we have yet to regain. Perhaps at this juncture, we might want to ask ourselves, who is afraid of a united Nigeria? In the way that investigators ask, ‘who stands to gain from a murder’ when drawing the list of suspects. Not because of June 12 itself, but because the difficulty we currently face in pulling together is costing us dearly. Recently, the Minister for Power, Works and Housing said efforts to generate more power were hindered by the continued attacks of gas pipelines by the Niger Delta Avengers, a new militant group in the South-South region. Without power, there won’t be much in the way of economic development given that every industry depends on it. So it seems that the fallout of President Jonathan’s March 29, 2015 electoral loss is the rise of NDA; similar to the way the loss of political power in the north seemed to have given rise to Boko Haram. But are these splinter groups the natural outcome when the proliferation of small arms and light weapons meets the high proportion of unemployed, idle young people? Or is there an invisible hand disturbing the hornet’s nest? Elections always produce winners and losers. In multi-ethnic countries like Nigeria though, where ethnic groups have been known to identify with candidates, it is difficult for certain parts of the country not to feel alienated by the results except when a candidate wins in every part of the country. This happened before, on June 12, 1993, thus giving us an unprecedented opportunity to work together to get to higher ground. That landmark poll was annulled for mysterious reasons and that opportunity was wasted. At the time, our attention was on the leadership of the military, on explanations centred on their unwillingness to lose their hold on power, their lack of patriotism,their greed. The annulment is now in the past. Here, in the present, we are back to the suboptimal situation we have faced since independence when crisis erupts in the region that is or feels alienated, weakening the ability of the country to pull ahead. So what can we learn from June 12? The Yoruba say that a child should not ask to know who killed his father unless he has been able to hold the sword that was used to kill him by the hilt. And if the question was merely about how an elected president died while in the custody of the military government on July 7, 1998, I would abide by the wisdom of the elders and not ask questions. But the fact that the people that find themselves in the territory called Nigeria will continue hustling to make ends meet under impossible odds should the prevailing situation (or arrangement?) continue, forces the question – who or what stands opposed to our coming together? These continual interventions in our affairs are killing our chances of escaping poverty. But if there is a cabal, however it is constituted, let them be warned: Nigerians also say, every day is for the thief, but one day is for the owner. [myad]
Richard Macaulay Obafemi, 45, has confessed on how he became armed robber and car snatcher, even after he qualified from a London university and practicing as medical doctor in Nigeria.
Obafemi said that he had his primary and secondary school education at Ipaja, Lagos State before proceeding to the University College London (UCL), where he obtained a degree in Microbiology in 1987 and later studied medicine at UCL, from 1987-1992.
In 1993, he did the housemanship in Hatsfield, London.
In 1996, Obafemi came to Nigeria for the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) Scheme and was posted to Kwara State. At the end of the service year, Obafemi took up appointment with the College of Medicine, University of Benin, where he worked for two years from 1998 to 2000, before travelling to Saudi Arabia.
“I worked at the Royal Medical Centre, Jeddah, for four years. Subsequently, I got another employment offer from the University of Ghana, in 2006 and worked there till 2015.”
Obafemi who hails from Sagamu Local Government Area, Ogun State said: “In 2015, I came to Nigeria and visited Kaduna State. During that trip, a car I was driving had an accident and the victim died. I was charged to court and remanded at Kaduna Central Prison. But I was later released from prison on April 8, 2016.”
While in prison, Obafemi met and developed friendship with Stephen and Ifeanyi, who were also awaiting trial. After he was released, Obafemi linked up with Stephen and Ifeanyi who had also regained freedom. Within a short time, they convinced him to join their armed robbery and car-snatching gang.
“After I left prison, I had followed Ifeanyi to Asaba and joined their gang, which specialized in snatching cars. We have stolen cars like Lexus, SUV in Lagos State, which I drove to Katsina State to sell to buyers from Niger Republic. I sold one for N450,000.
“I didn’t go back to University of Ghana because when I was in prison in Kaduna, I didn’t communicate with them. When I came out from prison, I found out that there was no going back. I decided to join the armed robbery gang to earn a living. I am married and blessed with three children. I lost my wife, Mary in 2012 while my three children are in Canada.” [myad]
It has been revealed that the 36 states and the 774 local government councils in Nigeria shared a total sum of N2.8 trillion from the Federation Account in the one year of President Muhammadu Buhari’s administration.
An exclusive report by the Economic Confidential, an intelligence economic magazine, disclosed that the total figure was payment made to the two tiers of government between June 2015 and May 2016 at the monthly meeting of the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).
In the report, Lagos state is ranked first as the highest recipient of gross allocation with a total sum of N178bn in the twelve months. It is followed by Akwa State N173bn, Delta State N144bn and Kano State N117bn. The five states cornered a quarter (25%) of the total allocation for the States and local government councils in Nigeria within the one year period.
Among the 10 highest recipients from the Federation Account are Bayelsa State which got N95bn; followed by Katsina State N88bn, Oyo State N84bn, Kaduna State N83bn and Borno State N78bn.
The lowest recipients are Gombe and Ebonyi States that got N49bn each followed by Ekiti and Nasarawa States N50bn each and Kwara N52bn.
The report further disclosed that Edo and Ondo which are oil-producing states got N66bn and N71bn respectively while another state in the South-South, Cross River State merely received N59bn.
The Economic Confidential gathered that factors that influence allocation to states and local government councils from the Federation Account include: Population, Derivation, Landmass, Terrain, Revenue Effort, School Enrollments, Health Facilities, Water Supply and Equality of the beneficiaries.
Meanwhile, the Economic Confidential which has been publishing the monthly Federation Account Allocation figures in the print edition of the magazine since January 2007 has commenced the publication of the monthly allocation in its online version. [myad]
Blood of Americans were shed on Sunday in Orlando, the United States of America, by a gunman, identified as Omar Mateen, a 29-year-old from Fort Pierce, Fla, who opened fire inside a crowded gay nightclub. No fewer than 50 people were killed even as about 53 others were injured.
The rampage that turned into a deadly hostage situation, according Washington Post, was described as an act of domestic terrorism.
Police had initially thought that about 20 people were killed in the attack, but authorities said later on Sunday morning that the toll was significantly higher.
Officials said the attacker was shot and killed by police officers in a shootout. It was not immediately clear if the 50 people killed included the gunman.
The suspected gunman was identified by relatives and law enforcement officials. One relative said that Mateen’s family was in shock after being told on Sunday morning about his involvement. This relative said Mateen’s family was very sorry about what had happened.
Police have not identified a possible motive, and details about Mateen’s background were scarce on Sunday morning. His family is from Afghanistan, while Mateen is believed to have been born in the United States.
“It appears he was organized and well-prepared,” Orlando Police Chief John Mina said at a Sunday-morning news conference, adding that the attacker had an “assault-type” weapon and a handgun.
At least 42 people were transported to various hospitals, Mina said, adding that one officer was wounded.
Orange County Sheriff, Jerry Demings said at the news conference: “this is an incident … that we certainly classify as a domestic terror incident.”
The FBI is involved in the investigation, authorities said.
“We had a crime that will have a lasting effect on our community,” Orlando Mayor Buddy Dyer said, adding: “We need to stand strong; we need to be supportive of the victims and their families.”
Officials said on Sunday that they found “an assault-type rifle and a handgun” at the scene. In addition, a law enforcement official said Mateen was previously known to authorities, but said he was not under investigation.
The White House said President Obama was briefed on the incident Sunday
There has been no claim of responsibility for the attack on jihadi forums, but ISIS sympathizers have reacted by praising the attack on pro-Islamic State forums.
“We know enough to say this was an act of terror and act of hate,” President Obama said in an address to the nation from the White House.
While the violence could have hit any American community, “this is an especially heartbreaking day for our friends who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender,” he said.
Omar Mir Seddique Mateen was born in 1986 in New York City. Most recently he lived in Fort Pierce, about 120 miles southeast of Orlando. He had worked since 2007 as security officer at G4S Secure Solutions, one of the world’s largest private security companies.
Mateen’s parents, who are from Afghanistan, said he’d expressed outrage after seeing two men kiss in Miami, but didn’t consider him particularly religious.
Mateen was interviewed by the FBI in 2013 and 2014 after he expressed sympathy for a suicide bomber, FBI Assistant Special Agent Ronald Hopper told reporters Sunday.
“Those interviews turned out to be inconclusive, so there was nothing to keep the investigation going,” Hopper said. [myad]
Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello has expressed worry over how the running mate to late Abubakar Audu, James Faleke threw the All Progressives Congress (APC) into confusion in the state. Governor Yahaya Bello, in his address to Kogi people after emerging triumphant in all the petitions against him, said: “Honorable James Abiodun Faleke’s was a Petition that greatly polarized our Party at a time when we really needed to act as one in order to survive the heavy blow dealt the APC in Kogi State by the sudden and painful death of our leader, Prince Abubakar Audu. However it has also served the purpose of giving every loyal member of our Party who may have had concerns about the legality of the events that brought us into Office a definite answer from the Judiciary itself. “The Petition by Honourable James Abiodun Faleke was a bit harder to come to terms with because it came from within the ranks of our great Party, the All Progressives Congress (APC). It is never an easy task when a Leader finds himself in conflict with elements of his own support group and I found it particularly hard to face off with fellow partymen in the Press and in Court.” Both Governor Yahaya Bello and Faleke belong to the ruling All Progressives Congress. Faleke however disagreed with the party which nominated Bello as the candidate to run for supplementary election after Abubakar Audu the original candidate died suddenly.Faleke felt he, being Audu’s running mate should have been made the APC candidate, which was why he challenged Governor Yahaya Bello’s emergence in court. [myad]
Spokesman for the IMN, known as Shiite group,Ibrahim Musa has said that thugs attacked a team distributing food items to the needy in and around Gyellesu residence in particular and Zaria in general at the start of the Holy month of Ramadan He said that the distribution of food was done on behalf of the leader of the Islamic movement in Nigeria, Sheikh Ibraheem Zakzaky, as has been his practice for several years. “Being detained this year, it was his wish that the humanitarian assistance provided by him must be continued irrespective of whether or not the government releases him. To fulfil this wish, on Monday 6th June, assorted food items were distributed as was the practice, with families happily collecting with so much gratitude. “Though the event went on well on its first day, hell was let loose the next day. “The following day however, certain thugs sponsored by Kaduna state government appeared in the Gyellesu neighbourhood, wielding machetes and sticks and pelting stones at both those who carried out the distribution as well as the beneficiaries. They forcefully confiscated the food items and littered the streets with them in a manner that only vandals would do.” [myad]
International oil companies operating in the Niger Delta region have vowed not to leave Nigeria even as the Niger Delta Avengers launched sustained bombing of their installations and asked them to leave the country. Though, some of the companies are said to be planing to reduce production shut-ins, particularly in areas that are worst hit by the activities of the Niger Delta Avengers (NDA). On Friday, the NDA bombed a pipeline belonging to the Nigerian Agip Oil Company in Brass Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The group had carried out series of bombings that had reduced Nigeria’s crude oil production by close to one million barrels per day, and had rebuffed any discussion with the Federal Government on ways to address its grievances. A senior official of one of the affected oil majors operating in the Niger Delta said that although the bombings have shown no sign of stopping, his firm had yet to consider pulling out of Nigeria, although it had scaled down its operations in the area. “We are not thinking of pulling out of Nigeria for I’ve never heard it and I don’t have an answer to say that we are pulling out from the country. “However, this does not mean that we won’t shut operations in areas where explosions and destruction are high.” The Managing Director, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited and Country Chairman of Shell Companies in Nigeria, Mr. Osagie Okunbor, had said last month; “Shell is not leaving Nigeria. Our strategy in Nigeria is to optimise our onshore oil footprint, while making further investments in other growth areas, particularly in deep water and the gas value chain, including domestic gas.” That is even as Chevron’s General Manager, Policies, Government and Public Affairs, Deji Haastrup, said: “we will not be making any comment at this time.” In its latest financial and operations report, the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) said that the recent upsurge in vandalism had negatively impacted on the country’s crude oil production output, making it to lose its African top crude oil producer status to Angola. According to the corporation, about 380,000 barrels of crude oil per day remained shut-in due to vandalism of the 48-inch sub-sea export line on February 15, 2016. “Also, the nation has lost over 1,500 megawatts of power supply to the damage as gas supply from Forcados, which is Nigeria’s major artery, accounts for 40 to 50 per cent of gas production. Incessant pipeline vandalism poses the greatest threat to the industry,” the NNPC said. Chevron, Shell and Eni, the parent company of Nigeria Agip Oil Company, have been hard hit by the attacks by militants in the Niger Delta, home to most of the nation’s oil and gas production. Currently, three of the nation’s five largest export streams, Forcados, Bonny Light and Brass River, have been totally suspended as a result of the attacks. On Wednesday, Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited shut the Trans Niger Pipeline, which transports around 180,000 barrels of crude oil per day to the Bonny Export Terminal, after a leak was found. Crude oil production in the country has dropped to about 1.4 million barrels per day from 2.2 million bpd, upon which the Federal Government assumed an oil revenue of N820bn at $38 per barrel benchmark price. The sabotage of oil and gas infrastructure in recent months has contributed to a significant decline in production levels, and loss of revenue by government and oil companies.
Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has given the Federal Government an advice on what to do to end the activities of the militants in the Niger Delta region. In a statement by the None Governmental Organization (NGO), the executive director, Adetokunbo Mumuni said that, “An important part of the solution to the human rights crisis is for President Muhammadu Buhari to implement the ECOWAS Court judgment which ordered the Nigerian government to punish oil companies over oil pollution and devastation in the region.” The government, it said should “stand up to powerful oil companies that have continued to abuse the human rights of the people of the Niger Delta with impunity for decades if it is to satisfactorily resolve the crisis in the region.” The Niger Delta crisis is being fuelled by the activities of the ‘Niger Delta Avengers’ who are relentlessly bombing the country’s oil infrastructure, resulting in slashing its crude output, The statement reads in part: “This government should make sure that the activities of oil companies in Nigeria bring development to the people, rather than a string of needless human rights tragedies.” “The government of former President Goodluck Jonathan ignored the judgment and showed no political will to hold to account oil companies that have for many years continued to destroy the livelihoods of tens of thousands of people with almost absolute impunity. President Buhari shouldn’t repeat Jonathan’s mistake. He should make sure that his government adheres to this judgment without further delay. “Oil companies, particularly Shell, have managed to evade responsibility for far too long. And successive governments have allowed them to do so, putting profits before people. As a result, communities badly affected by oil pollution are sinking further into poverty, unable to eat the contaminated fish or drink the water, stained black from the pollution.”
The beneficiaries of the corruption in the oil industry are definitely still smarting from the industry wide changes implemented by the Minister of State for Petroleum, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu, especially at the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. It was to be expected that they will not go down without a fight and that the seeming calm after the changes were announced was just the oil bandits in retreat to reassess their strategies for challenging a government that has exhibited zero tolerance for corruption. Even after spending weeks to perfect their response to the clamping down on corruption in the industry they were only able to rehash their old strategies – launch personal attacks on the minister and his family. This took the wind out of the re-launched of a campaign of calumny they had launched against him in the past since it came out as the same tired stories they had always peddled. A tweet by one of their online partners was all the other paid platforms latched unto to push out a news alert that Dumebi Kachikwu, the minister’s younger brother, has been declared wanted by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. They also hyped the aspect about his bank account(s) being frozen without being able to specify what phantom crime they are accusing him of this time around. A call to Dumebi Kachikwu however exposed the story as a figment of the writers’ overstimulated imaginations as he not only denied being on the run from the anti-graft agency but that he was still able to transact with his account(s) as at the time he was asked to verify the story. That a false story was pushed out as breaking news should worry all of us. Not just because no one wants to or deserves to be so slandered but because of the inherent risks that such irresponsible behaviour poses tour collective freedom. All over the governments are scaling back on liberties often citing terrorism and online trolling. We have been fortunate that the ill-conceived bill to regulate social media and online platforms died a natural death but this kind of online hooliganism risks creating the basis on which society would demand a restriction of the freedom available online. Much as one would want to call the online trolls to order however, they are merely the symptoms of a more insidious disease. They are the smoking guns while the hands that pulled the trigger actually belonged to the bandits that had held Nigerians hostage until the recent changes made to the way the oil industry is managed. The kite flown about Dumebi Kachikwu’s arrest was apparently better managed than another story that surfaced at exactly the same time. The Dumebi story basically tried to hide under the EFCC without canvassing the position of its sponsors. The true identities of those paying for this campaign however surfaced in the second story that flushed morality down the sinkhole with unprintable accusations targeted at undermining the marriage of the Minister of State for Petroleum. It did everything to cast aspersions on his person as a gentleman as only could be delivered by the worst form of yellow journalism. In the story, one of those redeployed by Kachikwu was desperately packaged to appear like the victim. Had those who rehashed this overused rendition of an event that never happened bothered to cross check their facts, they would have seen that redeployment of their principal was an act of unmerited mercy as thousands of Nigerian youths has taken to the streets at the height of the fuel crisis to demand the sack of this particular official for an history of record setting corruption. That a person who should have been fired, arrested, tried and jailed for serial theft is now piloting a campaign of calumny against the minister that showed magnanimity is the real definition of travesty. My one cent for the team working on this new round of “bring the Kachikwus down” attack is that they should get back with the owners of the brief and demand more money because the task they have signed up for is not an easy one. They are being asked to hallucinate about events that never happened and this is a sure way of toying with eventual mental incapacitation because the prolonged hallucination trips could become addictive. To the sponsors of the stories, one can only offer sympathies. It sucks to be cut off from the slush fund that used flow freely before Kachikwu became minister and brought so many dizzying changes that have dried up the tap of corruption money. But they will do well to keep their powder dry, save as much of their stolen wealth as possible instead of paying for expensive but pointless propaganda – there would be expensive lawyers to pay, bail to post and refund to make to when the EFCC finally gets to the right chapter that concerns them. The rest of us look forward to being able to browse the net and read stories that chronicle the decisive steps the country is taken towards greatness and not some toxic piece of trash strung together by oil cabal members struggling to return from the permanent retirement that the change agenda has forced them into.
. Suleiman. a public affairs analyst, wrote from Katsina, Katsina State. [myad]
This day, June 12 will always be remembered by those who have defied the culture of silence and conspiracy against a significant moment in Nigerian history, to remind us of how today, 23 years ago, the battle against the exit of the military from power was fought at the ballot by a determined Nigerian people. It is indeed sad that apart from the South West states of Oyo, Ogun, Lagos and Osun which have doggedly continued to celebrate the hero, and later martyr of that battle, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, there has been studied indifference to the June 12 phenomenon by the Federal Government and remarkably, the rest of Nigeria. This is sadder still because MKO Abiola was not an ethnic champion: he was a man of pan-Nigerian vision and ambition, who went into politics to give the people hope, to unite them and lead them out of poverty. His campaign manifesto was instructively titled “Hope 93- Farewell to Poverty: How to make Nigeria a better place for all.” When Nigerians voted in the presidential election of June 12, 1993, they chose the Muslim-Muslim ticket of MKO Abiola and Baba Gana Kingibe under the platform of the Social Democratic Party (SDP). MKO Abiola not only defeated the Presidential candidate of the National Republican Convention (NRC), Bashir Tofa in his home state of Kano, he also defeated him “fairly and squarely” with “58.4% of the popular vote and a majority in 20 out of 30 states and the FCT.” That election was adjudged to be free and fair, and peaceful. But the Ibrahim Babangida-led military government had been playing games with the transition-to-civilian rule, and so it chose not to announce the final results of the election, and later on June 23, 1993, the Presidential election was annulled. This was a coup against the Nigerian people, and an act of brazen injustice, but June 12 will go down in history as the birthday of the revolution that swept the Nigerian military back to the barracks. The media began to refer to MKO Abiola as “the man widely believed to have won the June 12, 1993 election”, or perhaps, “the undeclared winner” but those who played key roles at the time, including Humphrey Nwosu, the chief electoral umpire, have since confessed that “their hands were tied”, and that indeed MKO Abiola won the election. General Ibrahim Babangida, then Head of State, has not been able to live down that error of judgement. It was the final error that also consumed his government, forcing him to “step aside”, and as it turned out “step away”. He left behind an Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan who was handpicked for the assignment, but the ING contrivance only survived for 83 days; in November 1993, General Sani Abacha, who was in the ING as Minister of Defence, seized power. It was obvious that the military never wanted to relinquish power. June 12 brought out the worst and the best in the people: the worst in the military and its hungry agents definitely, but the injustice of its annulment released the people’s energy and capacity for protest. Progressive Nigerians spoke in unison against military tyranny and the violation of their right to choose. The Abacha government, which had initially deceived the progressives about its intentions, unleashed a reign of terror on the country: media houses were attacked, journalists were jailed, bombed, beaten, civil society activists were hauled into detention. But the repression was met with stiff resistance. The people insisted on the election of June 12, the military’s exit and Abiola’s declaration as winner of the election. On June 11, 1994, in what is now known as the Epetedo declaration, Chief MKO Abiola declared a Government of National Unity and asked for his mandate to be duly recognized. He was subsequently arrested for treasonable felony, but that only added fuel to the protests. Abiola later died in custody on July 7, 1998, a month to the day, after General Sani Abacha himself died. But the real outcome was that the military had been branded evil, and the people would accept nothing but the end of military rule. This was the scenario that led to the return to democratic rule on May 29, 1999, and the specific choice of a political figure from the South West to assuage the expressed fears of the South West that the denial of MKO Abiola’s mandate was an assault on the right of the South West. The ethnicization of the June 12 protest was unfortunate because indeed the struggle against tyranny recruited foot soldiers from virtually every part of the country, international support also gave the struggle higher relevance; those were the days when serving foreign diplomats joined pro-democracy protesters to wave placards on the streets. Many died, and they were all from across Nigeria, businesses were affected, but the people were determined to make the sacrifice. It was that revolution that made May 29, 1999 possible, and if any date is deserving of celebration, it is June 12. The irony is that those who benefited most from MKO Abiola’s martyrdom do not want to be reminded of him. And those who used to talk about injustice have since, given the opportunity, inflicted their own injustice on the people. Those who used to swear by Abiola’s name have since found new political patrons. Those who proclaimed Abiola as the symbol of democracy and the rallying point for the people’s hopes have since been dancing on his grave. Successive federal administrations since 1999, have also failed to redress the injustice of 1993, by doing the minimum of declaring June 12 a national holiday. There have been suggestions along this line, including the possibility of a post-humous national honour (the only constraint here is that the national honour is not awarded post-humously although there is nothing that expressly forbids this in the enabling Act), or the naming of a major national monument after MKO, or the official admission that the June 12, 1993 election was indeed won and lost and was not in any way inconclusive. Truth: Nigeria forgets too soon, too easily. For, when indeed the Jonathan administration tried to address this injustice by naming a significant national institution after MKO Abiola, the attempt resulted in controversy and a storm. The last paragraph of then President Goodluck Jonathan’s 2012 Democracy Day speech had renamed the University of Lagos after MKO Abiola. Both the students and staff trooped to the streets in protest. They rejected the name-change and declared that their university’s name is a brand that nobody, not even the Federal Government of Nigeria could tamper with, in honour of anybody, living or dead. They said they were not consulted and the University Act had not been amended. Politics and opportunism was read into the gesture, and the government had to eat the humble pie. Would the reaction be different if another government were to take the same step, the same way the reaction to the increase in the pump price of petroleum products has been different this year, under a different dispensation? MKO Abiola was a victim of military politics and conspiracy, now his martyrdom and legacy seem lost in the intricate web of conditioned amnesia and the ego of those who continue to compete with his memory. In a country where history is no longer taught, and there are no well-managed museums and monuments to make history part of the public landscape, a generation is already emerging, like the generation of UNILAG students in 2012, who may someday ask: who is MKO Abiola? Those who refuse to teach history run the risk of producing children who may lack the capacity to remember and the wisdom to appreciate history’s many lessons. Those who insist speculatively that MKO Abiola could not have been a good President also miss the point about his example and legacy: his martyrdom shaped the architecture of much that happened subsequently in Nigerian history, and it is not the military’s duty to veto the people of Nigeria. The military have been shipped out of power for good, they can only return as they have been doing as retired soldiers, and whatever happens with our democracy, the people are resolved that nobody can annul their right to choose, and it is part of their right to choose, to sometimes make mistakes and learn. The various state governments and civil groups that remember and celebrate MKO Abiola every year deserve a pat on the back for defying amnesia. June 12 is ultimately not just about one man who became a symbol; it is also about the collective struggle against military tyranny, a reminder of people power and the value of civil society; it is that historical moment when Nigerians voted for change and stood by it. On this occasion of the 23rd anniversary, may the words of MKO Abiola at Epetedo on June 11, 1994 prick our conscience: “People of Nigeria, exactly one year ago, you turned out in your millions to vote for me, Chief MKO Abiola as the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. But politicians in uniform, who call themselves soldiers but are more devious than any civilian would want to be, deprived you of your God-given right to be ruled by the President you had yourselves elected. These soldier-politicians introduced into our body politic, a concept hitherto unknown to our political lexicography, something strangely called the “annulment” of an election perceived by all to have been the fairest, cleanest and most peaceful ever held in our nation. “…My hope has always been to arouse whatever remnants of patriotism are left in the hearts of these thieves of your mandate, and to persuade them that they should not allow their personal desire to rule to usher our beloved country into an ear of political instability and ruin… “Instead they have resorted to the tactics of divide and rule, bribery, and political perfidy, misinformation and (vile) propaganda. How much longer can we tolerate all this? There is no humiliation I have not endured, no snare that has not been put in my path, no “setup” that has not been designed for me in my endeavor to use the path of peace to enforce the mandate that you bestowed on me one year ago. It has been a long night. But the dawn is here. Today people of Nigeria, I join you all in saying, “Enough is Enough!”…Enough of military rule…Enough of square pegs in round holes…” I recommend a reading of the entire declaration by all patriots in remembrance of Chief MKO Abiola. Google it. Read it.[myad]
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Who Is Afraid Of A United Nigeria? By Hafsat Abiola-Costello
For a time, the points went to the military leadership who continued the musical chairs started in 1966. But the persistence of pro-democracy resistance was such that in the end, a coup against the movement had to be within the confines of civilian rule. As we bear witness to the reactions of certain parts of the country to the 2015 elections, the most promising since 1993, it shows us that what Nigeria lost in that singular opportunity where a country came together behind one man, we have yet to regain.
Perhaps at this juncture, we might want to ask ourselves, who is afraid of a united Nigeria? In the way that investigators ask, ‘who stands to gain from a murder’ when drawing the list of suspects. Not because of June 12 itself, but because the difficulty we currently face in pulling together is costing us dearly.
Recently, the Minister for Power, Works and Housing said efforts to generate more power were hindered by the continued attacks of gas pipelines by the Niger Delta Avengers, a new militant group in the South-South region. Without power, there won’t be much in the way of economic development given that every industry depends on it. So it seems that the fallout of
President Jonathan’s March 29, 2015 electoral loss is the rise of NDA; similar to the way the loss of political power in the north seemed to have given rise to Boko Haram. But are these splinter groups the natural outcome when the proliferation of small arms and light weapons meets the high proportion of unemployed, idle young people? Or is there an invisible hand disturbing the hornet’s nest?
Elections always produce winners and losers. In multi-ethnic countries like Nigeria though, where ethnic groups have been known to identify with candidates, it is difficult for certain parts of the country not to feel alienated by the results except when a candidate wins in every part of the country. This happened before, on June 12, 1993, thus giving us an unprecedented opportunity to work together to get to higher ground. That landmark poll was annulled for mysterious reasons and that opportunity was wasted.
At the time, our attention was on the leadership of the military, on explanations centred on their unwillingness to lose their hold on power, their lack of patriotism,their
greed. The annulment is now in the past. Here, in the present, we are back to the suboptimal situation we have faced since independence when crisis erupts in
the region that is or feels alienated, weakening the ability of the country to pull ahead. So what can we learn from June 12?
The Yoruba say that a child should not ask to know who killed his father unless he has been able to hold the sword that was used to kill him by the hilt. And if the question was merely about how an elected president died while in the custody of the military government on July 7, 1998, I would abide by the wisdom of the elders and not ask questions. But the fact that the people that find themselves in the territory called Nigeria will continue hustling to make ends meet under impossible odds should the prevailing situation (or arrangement?) continue, forces the question – who or what stands opposed to our coming together?
These continual interventions in our affairs are killing our chances of escaping poverty. But if there is a cabal, however it is constituted, let them be warned: Nigerians also say, every day is for the thief, but one day is for the owner. [myad]