But when it comes to the countries that export students, the study by Wittenborg University has some findings that could interest a lot of readers. It shows that Morocco  exports more students  compared to any other African country with (11.3%), followed by  Nigeria (10.2%),  Algeria (5.9%),  Cameroon (5.3%),  Zimbabwe (5.2%),  Tunisia (5.1%), Kenya (3.5%), Senegal, (3.1%), Egypt (3.1%)  and finally Botswana (2.3%).
There are some interesting issues we need to pay attention to in these figures. While South Africa is the second major destination for African students around the world, and the first within the continent, it is missing when it comes to exporting students.
This could relatively suggest how satisfied South Africans are with their universities. While Nigeria is missing among the destination for international students, it exports the second largest number from the continent.
Does this suggest that Nigerians are dissatisfied with quality of their universities? Perhaps Professor Ali Mazrui would be the best to answer this question where he to produce a new edition of his book entitled “A Tale of Two Countries-Nigeria and South Africa As Contrasting Visions.”
One of the interesting analogies drawn by Professor Mazrui in the book was that “Nigeria is the largest exporter of oil,” and “South Africa is the largest consumer of oil.”
Beyond oil, now another contrast has emerged. South Africa is the largest importer of African students, while Nigeria is the largest exporter of students from Sub-Saharan Africa.
This is not the only lesson from the statistics above. While Botswana is the only country from Southern Africa that exports students, from the West African region, Nigeria, Cameroon, and Senegal have featured, while no West African country is a major importer. One would ask that Tunisia, Egypt and Algeria have featured from North Africa. The answer is an obvious yes, the difference however with the West African region and other parts of Sub-Saharan Africa is that the universities in Morocco and Egypt at least have some quality that they attract many international students.
Building high quality universities has a lot of advantages for African countries. At least it will help the continent to produce higher institutions of learning that directly address the needs of the continent. University education is not just about speaking Victorian English or ability to converse in flawless French. It is about addressing the local needs of the society through rigorous research and intellectual stimulation. Unfortunately, to quote the late Waziri Junaidu, the famous scholar of Sokoto Caliphate, “our universities belong to us only in their location.”
It is sad that some of the best researches conducted about Africa are stocked in libraries outside the continent. Though even the research conducted in African universities are hardly touched by African policy makers.
The late Dr Yusuf Bala Usman lamented about this during a lecture at the Bayero University, Kano, in the early days of Nigeria’s return to civilian rule after the May 1999 elections. He mentioned that almost two years into the new experiment not even a Local Government Chairman worked into his university to ask for any research to be conducted in order to guide him in coming up with strong policies that will guide his administration.
In fact, one of the Governors attending the function excused himself to the extent that the Late Dr. Bala was so angry he decided to deliver the lecturer in Hausa language so that the non-English Speaking audiences present could get the message.
Restoring the dignity of these universities and producing talents who can help the continent address the challenges of the 21st century is a collective responsibility.
As I discussed at the beginning of this series, one way to do that is through creative investment where the government fulfill its part of the obligation, and universities also device their own means to address their needs even without government intervention.
There is nothing wrong in looking at how other countries do it, and then develop an African model for investing in universities. Before suggesting some of the solutions, it will be good to look at some universities around the world, and see how they generate funding for themselves.
Let us start with one of the riches universities in the world: Harvard University.
According to a news release by Harvard Gazette published on September 26, 2012, “Harvard University announced today that its endowment posted a -0.05% return and was valued at $30.7 billion for the fiscal year that ended June 30, 2012.”
This endowment fund according to the story “is not a single fund, but comprises more than (12,000) individual funds, many of them restricted to specific uses such as support of a research center or the creation of a professorship in a specific subject. The funds are invested by HMC, which oversees the University’s endowment, pension, trust funds, and other investments at a significant savings relative to outside management.”
There is risk in bringing this kind of discussion in Africa, because some of our policy makers, who are not unaware of this fact, could use it to justify their neglect of the educational system.
But this does not mean that we should not discuss ways to address the challenges facing African universities, when the same policy makers have tirelessly and consistently failed to honour their promises in the last 30 years.

It is a settled issue that the traditional role of soldiers anywhere in the world is to defend the territorial integrity of the country. That means that soldiers are trained only to fight wars: to shoot and kill anybody anytime they are called out.
Arising from such role is the relevant training they are made to go through. In deed, they are trained to be highly disciplined and to imbibe the culture of humility in service, especially, towards those who are not armed, even if they are soldiers like themselves.
Of course, certain security exigencies have necessitated the drafting of Nigerian soldiers into the streets, to perform the traditional role of police in ensuring internal peace and orderliness in the country.
There is no quarrel with this new role, but what is happening is that some of the soldiers are fast losing the culture of discipline and even humility that has, over the years, endeared them to members of the civil society.
As a matter of fact, some of the soldiers posted to take part in restoring peace in many parts of the country devastated by security challenges, and even some of them that are now at road blocks across the North are either turning brutal, corrupt by way of demanding for gratification from members of the civil society or are doing those things police men have been doing that make them notorious and hateful.
Only yesterday, Wednesday, a report was published by a medium that a soldier got drunk somewhere around the South Western part of the country, and under the influence of alcohol, shot and killed three civilians.
Last week Tuesday, a senior Journalist/editor, who closed at about 2.30 am after an engaging assignment in the state House, narrowly escaped being shot and killed at around the National Stadium by drunken soldier on patrol. It was the colleague of the soldier that stopped him from shooting the journalist, even though he stopped when he was asked to stop and even put on the inner light of his car immediately he stopped for the soldiers to see him.
And so too, I suffered the brutality of a soldier on Kuje road on Tuesday this week.
As I was driving home in rain at about 9.15 pm, I met a line of cars stretching about two kilometres from the point where the soldiers mount road-block for checking.
I decided to park on the pedestrian path to enable me urinate before continuing with the journey. But, immediately I veered into the pedestrian path, a soldier lurking around all alone, emerged from the other side of the road, running and shouting menacingly on top of his voice that I should stop.
Before I could march the brakes, he was already all over my car. Without a word of question from him and not knowing who I was, he began to hit the bonnet and side of the car severally with butt of his gun. By the time he finished bashing my car with dutiful gusto, my car had been thoroughly dented. The car actually looked as if I had an accident with it.
When I made a feeble attempt to identify myself, the soldier, who obviously was under the influence of alcohol threatened to shoot me if I utter a word. He was even angered by my word of friendliness despite what he did to me. He shouted: “If you say God should bless me, I will shoot you and destroy your car.”
That could be one of the few isolated cases anyway, for, I have come across many soldiers who are still very nice and maintain the tradition of good mannerliness: some of them would even greet you politely with respect, the same way they would do to their fathers, commanders and elders.
However, the few ones that often operate under the influence of alcohol are fast turning soldiering into another form of Nigerian version of policing.
It would be too bad if the military high commands would allow such drunken soldiers to reduce the beautiful tenets of soldiering into another institution that would lose the respect of Nigerians.
It is heartening to know that the high commands are following the bad ones with keen interest, as nine of such soldiers were said to be undergoing court-marshall for their role in the crisis in Nasarawa state.
Nigerian soldiers cannot afford to join the police band wagon, not even at this auspicious time when the police high authorities are finding ways to weed out the bad ones in the service to stem the eternal embarrassment the force has been thrown into.
Our soldiers must be made to understand that being Nigerians with Nigerian blood running in their veins should not be used as an excuse to behave true to Nigerianness.
Soldiers anywhere in the world should have and, of course, do have their code of ethics and manner of interaction with ordinary civilian members of the society.
Ours should not be seen to behave outside such code, irrespective of the circumstances under which they operate.
On the whole however, I must remember to thank God that the frightening looking drunken young soldier did not open fire on me that night and later turn around to say that he killed me “after an exchange of fire with an armed robber or a Boko Haram member!”
And probably gets promoted later for gallantry!

One of the many things the creatures of God have not understood and which would remain a mystery till the end of time is death.
The mystery of death is ensconced in its unpredictability. Sometimes, when you think that death has come knocking on the door, by human calculation, it would not come. At other time, when you think that death has no cause to strike, based also on the calculation of mortal, it descends.
The mystery of death played out yesterday on a long time friend and professional colleague of mine, Augustine Madu-West, fondly called Ogbefi by us.
Ogbefi, who was in practice as journalist/reporter for over 31 years, died in the early hours of Thursday after a brief illness at the age of 53.
According to his wife, Patricia, Madu-West died at about 1:30 a.m. Thursday. She said: “We were discussing in the Parlour and at a point, he quietly complained of a slight pain in his chest. Within a space of 10 minutes, he passed on.”
Ogbefi, a native of Nazi, Owerri in Imo state had had a running battle with death since 1993 when he was downed with diabetes and had been ridden since then with High Blood Pressure too.
When he came under heavy attack of diabetes in 1993, people thought he would die, because, the sight of him then was very frightening.
In that year, diabetes reduced his bulky size to mere skeleton, and how he managed to come out of that condition and regained all that he lost in his physical outlook was one of the wonders of God.
Of course, I have not been in Kano in the past 12 years to reconnect with him, but those who were closed to him confirmed that Ogbefi bubbled with good health and life for the better part of the period between 1993 and a few days before he died on Thursday morning.
Ogbefi, though a consummate editorial man, also established a flourishing media consultant, called The West-End.
Described and, in deed known as a socialite and groomed professional,
Madu-West was also Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Kano state chapter, and at one time, Deputy Chairman of the Nigeria Union of Journalists, Kano chapter.
There was one thing that was peculiar about Ogbefi, and that was his love for Kano state. Even though he hailed from Imo state, Ogbefi had come to love Kano so much that when Punch newspaper, which he worked for as its Kano state editor deployed him to Lagos on promotion as Assistant Editor, he resigned his appointment and joined the newspaper organization that asked him to remain in Kano, in the same capacity.
Ogbefi, in his hay days, was a personification of investigative journalism, and was endowed with courage to publish news items that ordinarily would put him in trouble with men and women in power.
As a matter of fact, it is unimaginable for an Igbo man to remain in Kano for almost all his professional life and touching virtually every powerful people in the land. And to remain without the fear of being killed. Especially, a city that breeds a lot of ‘yandaba,’ ‘yantauri’ and ‘yan dauka amarya.’
Ogbefi, a keen in active unionism, was one of my backbones when I was chairman of Kano state Correspondents’ Chapel of the Nigeria Union of Journalists between 1987 and 1991.
He died while still in active service with National Mirror and left behind a son, wife, three daughters and two grand-children.
In a condolence message, Kano state Government through the office of the Deputy Governor, Alhaji Abdullahi Ganduje, described the late Madu-West as a peace-loving man and detribalized Nigerian.
“We receive the news of the death of Augustine Madu-West, Bureau Chief of National Mirror with a great shock. He is a friend to Kano state government and has done a lot through his profession to promote the ideology and principles of Governor Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso’s administration.
“We will miss him and we send our sincere condolence to members of his family and the leadership of Nigeria Union of Journalists,” Alhaji Salihu Bala, Director of Press to the Kano state Deputy Governor said in a statement.
An elder statesman, Alhaji Tanko Yakasai who granted an interview to Madu-West a day to his death, Wednesday evening, described his death as a great shock and huge loss to journalism in Nigeria.
“I feel sad over this tragic news. I was with him in my house on Wednesday when we had a brief chat. He was healthy and did not complain about anything. May his gentle soul rest in perfect peace,” Yakasai said.
The President of Nigeria Union of Journalists, Comrade Mohammed Garba, described Madu-West’s death as a big blow to the journalism profession.
“He is a professional to the core, a fearless journalist. He is peace-loving and has groomed many journalists. He is a bridge builder and a detribalized Nigerian. May his gentle soul rest in perfect peace,” Garba stated.
On my own, while comforting the dearest ones he left behind, one would have to admit that for Augustine Madu-West (Ogbefi), it was a life well lived. For, as it is said, it is not how long one lives but how well.
It is even better sometimes for one to live well than long. And, in any case, how long can one live to be satisfied with lfe?

The research by Wittengborg University about the flow of African students in foreign universities also provides an interesting perspective about studying in foreign countries and the potential that is within Africa as a continent. There are two key aspects of the report that I found most interesting. The major destination of African students in foreign universities and the country of origin of these foreign students. According the report, 29% of foreign students from Africa go to universities in France, 15.1% to South Africa and 9.7% each to the United Kingdom and the United States. The remaining percentage of the students goes as follows:  Germany (4.7 %), Malaysia (3.9%), Canada (2.9%), Italy (2.0%),Australia (2.0%), Morocco (1.8%), Angola (1.7%)

From this aspect of the report, it is clear that apart from France, majority of African students prefer South Africa over the United States, United Kingdom, and other Western countries mentioned in the report. We need to ask the question why is this so? In addition to other African countries, Morocco and Angola are attracting international students from the continent. With regards to the interest in South African Universities the Wittengborg University report stated that “South Africa – which principally caters for students from English- speaking countries such as Zimbabwe, Namibia, Botswana and Lesotho – is described as “less bureaucratic” than Europe or the US when it comes to obtaining visas. It is also seen as “accessible, dynamic and stable” as well as less expensive. Its public universities are of high quality”.

There are important learning points from the South African experience. First is the confidence of countries in the Southern African sub region in universities located in South Africa. Secondly is the quality of education which is of the same standard with the best universities elsewhere around the world. Thirdly is that the best universities are actually public universities, and are accessible to people from outside the region. This also goes to tell us that the one who has monopoly on education is the one who provides the highest quality of education. I vividly remember a story I was told by Dr Kabir Kabo during a visit to him in Manchester about the expensive nature of British Universities. He told us that when Margret Thatcher was told that the reforms she was proposing in the UK educational system will send international students away, she replied that as long as there is quality they will come. It is interesting also, just like South Africa, the best universities in Britain are public universities, though with other sources of funding outside the public treasury.

With regards to Morocco, the report suggested that “Morocco… hopes to attract more by offering a high quality system, including properly accredited private institutions and branches of French and other foreign universities, at lower cost to students than in Europe. Courses are diverse, and the disciplines that are mostly chosen by students from other African countries include medicine, engineering and administration”, while Angola “Angola…caters mostly for those from its Portuguese-speaking neighbours Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe, followed by students from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique. According to the report, it serves to fill gaps in students’ domestic higher education systems”.

If you look at the key issues raised in this report, there is something conspicuously missing. In the educational hubs emerging in the African continent, there is no mention of a country from the West African region. Yet there is an elephant within that region known as Nigeria with the highest population in Africa and potentially higher number of educational institutions. Not even Ghana, the emerging destination for Nigerians who lost confidence in the Nigerian universities, but do not have the economic viability to attend universities in Europe and North America is mentioned. A food for thought. What about the country by country ratio of students going out of the continent for higher education? Join me next week for an update (God-willing).

Muhammad Jameel Yusha’u can be reached at mjyushau@yahoo.com

The sudden disintegration of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the self-styled largest political party in Africa, on Saturday, August 31 symbolized the Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart. It came stiltly and quietly into fruition, like a thief in the night, as the legendary Shakespeare would say.
There was no inkling as to what was coming, as those who later stormed out of the special national convention of the PDP, including former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the seven governors, except governors Rotimi Amaechi and Murtala Nyako were fully in attendance.
As a matter of fact, while Atiku who arrived Eagle Square, venue of the convention earlier, modestly turned down a presidential protocol officer’s request that he took his seat at the VIP stand, governors Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso and his Sokoto state counterpart, Aliyu Magatakarda moved, with their crowd of supporters to pay their respect to President Goodluck Jonathan.
And shortly after President Jonathan ended his lengthy state-of-the-nation speech in which he took the opposition to the cleaner, the signs of crack began to show.
Ironically, the President had boasted that of all the political parties registered by the nation’s electoral body in 1998, only the PDP had remained with its identity intact to date.
The President said the convention provided members an opportunity to renew their faith in their political platform that was formed to engender national identity, promote integration and bring development to our dear Nation.
According to him, “the process of building enduring political institutions is a difficult, complex but ultimately rewarding exercise. We are gathered here at the Eagle Square to uphold old and tested values of our party’s internal democratic culture, as well as chart a new course and way forward for our Party.
“Our great party, which is widely acclaimed as the biggest in Africa, is the only Nigerian party that has been growing in leaps and bounds. It is the only Nigerian party that is not aligned to any ethnic, religious or regional interests. It is the only party that is collectively owned by Nigerians. We are very proud of our heritage and we will never betray the trust that the majority of Nigerians repose in us.”
However, a few minutes after the President’s speech, Atiku and his team, including five governors at the convention, walked out and were followed by a stream of reporters.
They drive to Shehu Yar’adua centre and held a mini convention during which acting national officers of what they called “new PDP” were picked.
The governors, who are members of the new faction, include Aliyu Wamakko (Sokoto); Babangida Aliyu (Niger); Rabiu Kwankwanso (Kano); Muritala Nyako (Adamawa); Abdulfatah Ahmed (Kwara); Sule Lamido (Jigawa) and Rotimi Amaechi (Rivers)
The faction is headed by the former national chairman of PDP, Abubakar Kawu Baraje while the suspended National Secretary, Prince Olagunsoye Oyinlola became the party’s national secretary. Dr. Sam Jaja got the post of National Deputy National Chairman.
The press conference at the Sheu Yar’Adua Centre  Abuja, where the faction announced its emergence, was attended by many members of the national and state houses of assembly.
Baraje said that the leaders of the party came together to rescue it from undemocratic tendencies of “the former national chairman,” Bamanga Tukur.
He said, “We address you today as leaders of the PDP, who are worried by the increasing repression, restrictions of freedom of association, arbitrary suspension of members and other such violations of democratic principles by a faction of our party led by Tukur.”
He said they had  done everything humanly possible to bring to the attention of critical stakeholders within the party  to the dangers inherent in the course being charted by that leadership (Tukur),
Baraje further said that it has become very clear that the desperate permutations towards 2015 general elections have blinded certain people from the consequences of their actions, adding: “not only has the constitution of the party been serially  violated by Alhaji Tukur and fellow travelers, all the organs of the party have been rendered virtually ineffectual by a few people who act as though above the law.”
He said that the Presidency had been encouraging the Tukur- led faction, saying that that the party rule violators are getting encouragement from the presidency whose old calculations are geared towards shutting out any real or imagined opposition ahead of the party’s presidential primaries for the 2015 elections.
He said that as leaders of the party, they considered it a sacred responsibility to save the PDP from the antics of a few desperadoes who had no democratic temperament and were bent on hijacking the party for selfish ends.
Baraje listed the violations of the Tukur-led faction as the changing of the date of the party’s convention without the approval of the National Executive Committee.
He said the PDP NEC at its last meeting approved  July20, 2013 for the conduct of a special national convention.
The factional chairman said that date was changed to August 31 without reverting to NEC (the only authority vested with such powers) by a few people, apparently acting on the authority of the presidency.
He added, “Notwithstanding the fact that INEC had noted that the PDP congresses in nine states were not presently conducted, the illegal delegates from such states are being paraded at the so-called convention being held today  (Saturday) in a cynical attempt to circumvent the law an further bring the name of the party to disrepute.
“In gross violation of the PDP constitution, which stipulates that the NEC meeting must hold at least once in a quarter, Tukur and a few people have been running the party like a personal fiefdom without recourse to that important decision-making organ of the party.
“The NEC of the party accepted the resignation of the former members of the NWC whose offices were affected by INEC observations based principally on the agreement that the affected officers would be returned to their respective offices at the convention.
He said that in spite of the NEC decision, the positions of the former officers had been given to “some Yes-men within the party.”
Baraje said in spite of INEC’s insistence that Senator Any Uba was the duly elected   candidate of the party in Anambra State; the Bamanga Tukur-led executives announced the suspension of Uba and some other members close to him in defiance of subsisting court orders.
He also faulted the dismissal of a former National Chairman, Mr. Sam Jaja, by the Rivers State chapter of the party with the alleged connivance of the Tukur leadership.
He also cited the suspension of Amaechi and Wamakko.
“Even when the illegal suspension of Sokoto State governor has been lifted, the Rivers governor remains purportedly suspended for no just cause.”
Baraje also said the   dissolution of the Adamawa State chapter of the party was a clear abuse of power by Tukur, thus causing confusion in his home state.
“Given the foregoing, it is very clear that the Tukur leadership cannot guarantee for our millions of party members democracy anchored on free choice and the rule of law.
“We have therefore taken it upon ourselves to rescue the party from their dictatorial leadership.
“It is indeed noteworthy that from 1999 to date, Nigerians have constantly voted the presidential candidates presented by our great party but not only does such trust come with enormous responsibility, we recognise that we cannot continue to take the people for  granted.
“From now, the new leadership of the party under us will strive to build a fairer as well as a more transparent and accountable PDP that will put the interest of members and indeed all the people of Nigeria above that of one single individual.
“For all the members of our great party who may have become disillusioned by the anti-democratic tendencies of the Tukur leadership, there is a new lease of life in the horizon.
“It s a new day for the Peoples Democratic Party. As we take over the leadership of the PDP, our immediate priority is to revive the culture of robust debate of all contending issues while providing a level-playing field for all our members.”
However, Bamanga Tukur promised that the party would deal with the governors at the appropriate time.
Tukur told journalists at the Eagle Square, that the governors were planning to defect to another party.
“The PDP does not recognise any parallel party. Those who staged the walkout  are all self-seeking and treacherous individuals pursuing neither regional nor religious agenda except their own agenda, except their own personal interest.
“Their attempt to create parallel party is illegal, unlawful as there are no crises within the PDP whatsoever.
“They were all active participants in the setting up of this convention.
“And many of them were with the President and rode with him to the convention venue and joined them in the salutation of all the delegates including their state delegates.
“The PDP is studying the situation as it unfolds and will deal decisively as the situation warrants.
“It is obvious that they are creating crisis where there is none to give the impression that the party is divided. This in their thinking will allow them persuade loyal members of the National Assembly to cross carpet with them. We will resist this.”
The relevant questions that are begging for answers now are, what purpose the new PDP wants to achieve?
What magic would the new PDP perform to be registered or given the registration certificate of PDP?
Why would the Atiku group wait for PDP to hold its special convention for it break away?
Of course, PDP has always prides itself as a party that has magic wand of mending fences when people think it is all over, but it would be seen as a miracle if the party’s confidence can see them through this major and no-going back crack.

Alhaji Danbaba Suntai must have been a special creation of God, which ordinary mortals may not be able to comprehend. This is a man who fell flat from a fast moving helicopter on October 25 as governor of Taraba state, came out of the rubbles, looking disjointed, taken to far away land for medical attention and exactly ten months later, returned to Nigeria in one piece, still as governor of the state.

Suntai, irrespective of the condition under which he returned to the country on Sunday, August 25, did not foreclose the fact of the speciality of his situation as one of the species of Allah.

It is interesting to note in passing that while he was in far away land receiving medical attention, his counterpart, Mr. Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa had similar helicopter accident and died instantly on the spot.

To be sure, governor Suntai, his aide-de-camp and chief security officer were involved in the plane crash which occurred shortly after taken off from Jalingo, the Taraba State capital. Those involved in the accident were seriously injured.
Suntai, who graduated as a pilot from the Aviation College in Zaria last year, was piloting the crashed plane. That accident was the second time he was surviving a plane crash.
It was gathered that the plane, a Cessna 208, 5N-BMJ, owned by the state government, crashed at about 7.45 pm, near the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) depot, on the outskirts of Yola.

The governor, who was brought in unconscious, was first taken to Yola Specialist Hospital for treatment, but was later moved to the better-equipped Federal Medical Centre, Yola.
The governor, earlier in the day, had hosted the Cuban Ambassador to Nigeria, Hugo Ramos Minnes, who had paid him a courtesy visit before embarking on the trip.

There was pandemonium in Jalingo when the news of the crash filtered into the town as residents were thrown into mourning following reports that the governor had died in the crash.

After all the fears, the uncertainties, the expectations and all that trailed his accident and departure to foreign lands for treatment, Suntai returned to the country, via Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja on Sunday. A chartered Gulfstream jet touched the tarmac at about 1:00 PM Nigerian time and he was assisted out of the jet after which he was helped into a Land Cruiser SUV to the VIP section of the airport.

There has been some kind of murmuring aas to whether he would want to claim his position as governor of Taraba state. Of course, the constitution does not stop him from taking over his position, but if I were him, I would voluntarily relinquish that right, as a way of thanking Allah for making me to still be alive. I would prefer to spend the rest of my life, enjoying quiet moment with members of my immediate family.

There is nothing Suntai would want from Allah more than the second chance He has made possible for him to appreciate His kindness and Mercy on him.

I heard the news of the death of Shaikh Isa Waziri in the Haram of Makkah few days after he had returned to the final abode. It was the subject of discussion among many Nigerians in the vicinity of the Haram. Shaikh Isa Waziri became famous for his tafsir (exegesis of the Holy Qur’an) in the month of Ramadhan, and by Allah’s mercy, he died in the last ten days of Ramadhan.
Shaikh Isa Waziri was a household name especially in Kano where he was Chief Imam of the late Murtala Muhammad Mosque, later Chief Imam of Kano, and finally as the Waziri of Kano.
Shaikh Isa Waziri will be missed by the Muslim community in Nigeria and beyond. He was such a charismatic figure, scholar, judge, father and grandfather. His humility, sense of humour, modesty and respect for the traditional institution, which he was serving until his death distinguished him from many among his contemporaries. Newspaper reports suggested that he died at the age of 88 or 89. Shaikh Isa Waziri will be remembered for at least three key qualities that he exhibited during his lifetime. His simple approach towards the interpretation of the Qur’an for the benefit of the ordinary listener, his impeccable sense of humour, and his role as a bridge builder among the Ulama (Islamic scholars) and the general followership in Kano.
Since he was appointed as the Chief Imam of Murtala Muhammad mosque, named after the former Head of State and potentially the best President Nigeria ever had, Shaikh Isa Waziri became a household name. His Tafsir was transmitted in both radio Kano and CTV, the two state owned broadcasting outfits. His Tafsir, along with those of Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi aired by Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, Kaduna, were among the most popular at the time.
Although he was relatively old when he was actively delivering the Tafsir, Shaikh Isa Waziri was able to attract the young, the old and the elderly. He was particularly popular among the sisters and the youths, who greatly contributed by sending questions which the Shaikh would answer at the end of the Tafseer; and this is where his great sense of humour was exhibited. The sisters would sometimes tease the Shaikh by sending gifts to him and other members of his team, yet they will decide the distribution by giving the largest portion to mai-jan-baki (the reciter of the Qur’anic verses which the Shaikh translates), and the gentleman sitting by him popularly known as the man who says “amin dan kashiful gummati”; and the smallest portion to the Shaikh. In his predictable characteristics Shaikh Isa would sometimes say “ku tattara ku bashi” (give everything to him).

I saw one great quality with Shaikh Isa Waziri around 1994 during the annual Dawra, which is a course for Arabic teachers organized by the Islamic University of Madina under the leadership of Shaikh Abdallah Zarban Al-Ghamidi.  A dinner was organized at Da’awah Group of Nigeria in which almost all the Islamic Scholars in Kano were present. Equally present at the dinner was late Shaikh Umar Fallata, a highly respected Islamic scholar who teaches in the Mosque of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him).
It was an interesting event, because despite all the differences between Izala and Tariqa, many prominent Islamic scholars from Tijjaniyya, Qadiriyya, and Izala were present. But one thing you cannot miss during the dinner was that Shaikh Isa Waziri was the rallying point among these scholars, some of whom do not get along publically. On that day, I saw some wonders, because some of the scholars that members of the public thought would look away when they meet each other were so respectful of one another. You wouldn’t be completely wrong if you suggest that sometimes our scholars dribble the followership.
Apart from the pain of losing this great and peaceful son of Kano, there is always one question that keeps recurring in my mind for many years whenever an Islamic Scholar is lost in Nigeria. The question is simple, where is his replacement? Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi, Shaikh Lawal Abubakar, Shaikh Nasiru Kabara, Shaikh Adam Abdallah Al-Ilori, Shaikh Muhammad Kamaluddin Al-Adabiy, Shaikh Jaafar Mahmud Adam and many were among the Islamic scholars who left us, yet you can hardly find a suitable replacement with the same level of commitment to the course of Islam.
While these scholars have departed us (may Allah forgive their shortcomings and grant them Jannatul Firdaus), our key message goes to the living scholars, particularly due to the worrying trend, which was a subject of discussion between yours sincerely and a prominent Islamic scholar in Nigeria. That is the culture that is growing among the young scholars who hardly pay attention to writing and research, but invest their effort in preaching to the general public, which is of course important, but hardly produce scholars.

The registration of All Progressive Congress (APC) by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) on July 31 is certainly a mile stone in more ways than one.
As a matter of fact, the dust raised by the APC members, especially from the South West while the registration was still in the process, created a lot of fear, uncertainty and or confusion in the minds of political watchers and even players, depending on which side of the divide you are. It was as if the hell would come down if the party was, as it were, denied registration.
Even, just three or four days ago, some elements in the party threatened to “occupy” Abuja, Nigeria federal capital if the party is not registered in record time.
Meanings have been read into, including the alleged negative role being played by the INEC or the PDP or the Presidency or even the other organization that bore similar acronym with it on why INEC was delaying the registration.
And it is no longer relevant what prompted INEC to register the party; it is not whether it was due to the pressure being mounted by the party’s operatives or just on its volition.
Suddenly, it appears, APC Chieftains have the cause to begin to, and should see a very larger picture in front of them from now on: the task of selling the party to the grass root Nigerians over and above the ruling PDP before the 2015 general elections.
There have also been insinuations in some quarters, within the ruling PDP especially, which APC must contend with, that APC is a party of birds of different feathers.
Political calculations have been made, by self-appointed star gazers that the arrowheads of the new party, General Muhammadu Buhari and Asiwaju Bola Tinubu are strange bedfellows that can never work in tandem with each other.
There is also the issue of finances vis-a-vis the contributions of the nation’s business and financial moguls and institutions to the campaign pulse of would-be President. In deed, financial matter is most likely to create a special challenge for the new party, in view of the need for it to spread far and wide like its PDP counterpart which has unlimited access to the nation’s vault.
What really makes PDP to be comfortable with election results whenever they come is its spread to even the remotest village in this country couple with its ability to “wet the groud” for poverty-stricken electorate.
The reality of Nigerian and, indeed African politics today is still the fact that most elections are won, not by the best candidate or the party with the best ideology or manifesto, but by how much the impoverished people in the countryside can get in terms of gratification, from the system. And it is the vote of such people that usually determine the winner because it is they that vote anyway, not the elites in big cities.
There may also be the issue of internal democracy which APC would have to address. This matter may sound inconsequential, but the reality is that, even PDP that looks monolithic, so to say, is still trying to play by the rule, but various contending interests would not allow it to succeed.
Observance of internal democracy, in a party such as APC would determine its solidness while the contrary would be the simplest way towards irrevocable disintegration.
There is also the external forces that are vital and which should not be taken for granted. As a matter of fact, the external forces are those who surreptitiously support a candidate who they can eventually be comfortable with when they want to turn the lever of the Nigeria’s development efforts to suit their whims.
On the whole, the APC and PDP are set to bring a completely new vistas into the political system and struggle for power in this country. It is no longer a dream, but real, in the context of going whole hug to conquer each other at the political arena. The field has been cleared. The stage is set. And the dye is cast between the incumbent power holder, the PDP and the muscle flexing contender, the APC: eye-ball to eye-ball!