Ex President Jonathan Regrets Nigeria’s Backwardness Behind China In Oil And Gas Sector

Former President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan has expressed disappointment over the Backwardness of Nigeria in the oil and gas development, against the background of the Chinese rapid advancement in the sector
He is obviously upset over the enormous economic losses Nigeria has been encountering because of what he called near-total dependence on foreign expertise, equipment, machinery, production inputs and technology, among other things.
Speaking at the Nigerian Content Tower (NCT), in Yenagoa, the Bayelsa State capital, Dr. Jonathan looked at how China became a major global player in oil and gas after the massive discovery of crude oil at the Daqing Oilfield in the Northeastern Heilongjiang Province in 1959, three years after a similar discovery in Otuabagi, OloibiriDistrict, of present-day Ogbia Local Government Area in Bayelsa State.
According to the former President: “almost everything used in the Chinese oil industry was sourced locally.”
Dr. Jonathan who recalled his visit to China as head of a trade delegation during his days as Deputy Governor of Bayelsa State (December 2005-May 2007), said that the China experience set him wondering why the case of Nigeria in that sector was so completely different.
The former President expressed his joy at the enactment of the Nigerian Oil and Gas Industry Content Development (NOGICD) Act, 2010, and the many benefits that have accrued to Nigeria at the national and community levels since the emergence of the Nigerian Content Development and Monitoring Board (NCDMB).
According to him, NCDMB has over time, assumed the critical role of business enabler, recalling the enthusiasm and promptness with which he signed the NOGICD Bill into law in April 2010.
Jonathan, who delivered an opening address at the SweetCrude Dialogue 2026, themed: “Through the Python’s Eye: 70 Years of Oil and Gas Production,” commended the NCDMB for its successes and the organisers of the Dialogue, De Mangrove Conversations, led by Biobele Da-Wariboko, for the concept and the zeal that had brought them thus far.
“Bringing people from all walks of life to have a conversation on the oil and gas industry is critical,” pointing out that community issues and what he termed ‘state dilemma’ demand careful attention even as the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), 2020, has made appreciable impact.
The Executive Secretary of the NCDMB, Engineer Felix Omatsola Ogbe, represented by the Director, Monitoring and Evaluation Directorate, Barr. Esueme Dan Kikile, said that the theme of the Dialogue provided “a vital vintage point to evaluate our historical journey, analyze our current milestones, and chart an ambitious path for our energy future.”
He commended the former President for decisive action in bringing the NOGICD Act and the NCDMB into reality, pointing out that in pursuit of its core mandate – “to supervise, coordinate, and monitor compliance with local content metrics, deliberately building domestic capacities, while ensuring that a significant portion of industry spend is retained in Nigeria” – the Board has grown local content participation to 61 per cent in 2026, up from less than five per cent in 2010.
He said that the Board’s strict enforcement of its Human Capacity Development Initiative (HCDI) Guidelines has resulted in every major industry project allocating dedicated resources toward training of Nigerian engineers, geologists, technicians and seafarers, and that its flagship “60-40” Graduate Training Models and global technical certifications to specialized vocational training for host communities has “institutionalized a continuous pipeline of industry-ready professionals.”
On other key projects and accomplishments, both completed and ongoing, the NCDMB boss listed the iconic 17-storey NCDMB Nigerian Content Tower (NCT); Oloibiri Museum and Research Centre (OMRC); Nigerian Oil and Gas Park Scheme (NOGaPS), an industrial park at Emeyal I in Ogbia local Government Area,and another at Odukpani, Cross River State; gas processing infrastructure in the Gbarain hub in Bayelsa State for reliable feedstock distribution to power industrialization in Bayelsa State and Niger Delta region; Polaku Gas Project Footprint, and the Brass Shipyard and Nigeria Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) Fertiliser Project Alignment.Others include the NCDMB Back-to-the-Creek Initiative, which is
focused on taking development, empowerment, and opportunities directly to the grassroots, where oil and gas activities have the most impact.
According to the NCDMB boss: “by anchoring these transformative initiatives, human capital development and high-level investments” in Bayelsa State, “the Board is transitioning the cradle of Nigeria’s oil history from a mere extraction zone into an active centre of commercial, technological, and industrial value retention.”
In a goodwill message, the Bayelsa State Governor, Senator Douyi Diri, represented by the Deputy Governor, Dr. Peter Akpe, said that for a gathering to examine 70 years of the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, there could not have been a better place for the event than where it all began, that is, Bayelsa State territory. He commended De Mangrove Conversations, the organisers, whom he described as distinguished writers, researchers, and professionals of the Niger Delta. In a related message, Delta State Governor Sheriff F.O. Oborevwori, represented by his Chief of Staff, Prince Johnson Erijo, challenged all stakeholders to strive at all times to fulfill public expectations, stating that as evaluation of progress in the oil and gas industry was being undertaken, there was need for leaders to renew their commitment to host communities. For his part, the Managing Director of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), represented by his Chief of Staff, Julius Oworibo, said the Dialogue should remind the audience “where we are coming from, where we are now – [achievements and benefits that have accrued to oil-and gas-producing communities] – and where we are striving to be.”
In a keynote address, Professor Ibibia Lucky Worika, of the Centre for Advanced Law Research at Rivers State University, Port Harcourt, observed that for 70 years “oil has defined our economy, influenced our politics, shaped our foreign relations, financed our development, fuelled conflicts, inspired innovations, and transformed our place in the global energy landscape.”He pointed out that the Niger Delta has borne the burden of oil and gas exploitation for 70 years and that “Entire ecosystems [have] suffered irreversible damage.” Given that background, he asserted that “Environmental justice is not an optional policy aspiration; it is a constitutional, moral and developmental imperative.”
Earlier in a welcome address, the convener of De Mangrove Conversations, Biobele Da-Wariboko, said the group emerged out of the need “to ensure that Niger Delta’s enormous resources and contributions to Nigeria’s development are not swept into historical oblivion by the swift currents of ethno-religious and hegemonic politics ravaging our nation’s polity.








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Spain’s Defiant Stand In Israel-Gaza Crisis, By Abdulkarim Abdulmalik
In international politics, nations often find themselves balancing economic interests against moral convictions. History has repeatedly shown that this balance is rarely easy. Yet, from time to time, a government chooses a path that suggests some principles cannot be negotiated, regardless of the cost.
Recent reports that U.S. President Donald Trump warned Spain to align more closely with Israel or risk facing trade consequences have once again brought this age-old dilemma into sharp focus. Whether viewed as a diplomatic warning, a negotiating tactic, or economic pressure, the reported message carried an unmistakable implication: political choices could have commercial consequences.
Spain’s response, led by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, has attracted global attention. Rather than retreating under the weight of possible economic repercussions, the Spanish government reaffirmed its position that humanitarian concerns should not be subordinated to economic calculations. In effect, Spain’s message was equally clear: human lives are not bargaining chips, and national conscience cannot be purchased through trade incentives.
This development reflects a broader question confronting governments around the world: Should economic interests determine foreign policy when humanitarian crises are involved?
For Spain, the answer appears to be no.
The humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza has generated widespread concern across continents. Thousands of civilians have been caught in the devastating consequences of prolonged conflict. Images of destroyed homes, displaced families, overcrowded hospitals, and grieving parents have stirred public opinion across Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America. While governments differ on political solutions, many agree that civilian protection must remain paramount.
Spain has consistently argued that concern for Palestinian civilians does not necessarily equate to hostility toward Israel. Rather, it reflects a commitment to international humanitarian law and the universal principle that innocent human life deserves protection regardless of nationality, ethnicity, or religion.
Such a position is neither simple nor politically convenient.
The United States remains one of Spain’s important economic and strategic partners. Bilateral trade, investment, defence cooperation, and diplomatic collaboration have benefited both countries for decades. Any suggestion of trade retaliation therefore carries genuine economic implications.
Yet diplomacy has never been solely about commerce.
Throughout history, nations have occasionally accepted economic discomfort in defence of values they considered fundamental. The global struggle against apartheid in South Africa required many countries to endure economic sacrifices. Sanctions imposed against oppressive regimes have often involved significant commercial losses for those enforcing them. Likewise, numerous governments have accepted political costs to defend human rights, democracy, or international law.
Spain’s current posture appears to place it within that tradition.
Supporters of Madrid’s approach argue that silence during humanitarian crises weakens the credibility of international institutions. They contend that if economic pressure can determine whether governments speak against civilian suffering, then moral leadership becomes little more than a commodity available to the highest bidder.
Critics, however, argue that foreign policy should prioritize national economic interests and strategic alliances. They caution that confrontational diplomacy could damage Spain’s economy, reduce investment, and complicate relations with one of its closest allies.
Both perspectives deserve careful consideration.
Governments bear responsibility not only for defending ethical principles but also for protecting the livelihoods of their citizens. Economic growth creates jobs, funds healthcare, supports education, and improves living standards. No responsible administration can dismiss these realities.
At the same time, there are moments when leadership requires decisions extending beyond immediate financial calculations.
Political courage is often measured not by the popularity of a decision but by the willingness to uphold convictions when doing so carries tangible costs.
This is perhaps why Spain’s response has resonated with many observers around the world.
Its position reminds the international community that diplomacy is ultimately about more than trade agreements, tariffs, or strategic partnerships. It is also about defining what values nations are prepared to defend when confronted with difficult choices.
The episode also illustrates the changing nature of global politics. Increasingly, middle powers are demonstrating greater independence in foreign policy rather than automatically aligning with larger geopolitical actors. This growing strategic autonomy reflects an evolving multipolar world where countries seek to balance partnerships while preserving independent decision-making.
Whether this trend strengthens or weakens international cooperation remains open to debate. Nevertheless, it signals that many governments wish to make foreign policy decisions based not solely on alliance expectations but also on domestic values, international law, and humanitarian considerations.
For Africa and other regions of the Global South, Spain’s position also raises important questions. Many developing countries have long argued that international responses to humanitarian crises should be guided by consistent standards rather than geopolitical interests. They have frequently called for equal concern for all civilian populations regardless of where conflicts occur.
Consistency remains one of the greatest challenges facing international diplomacy.
If civilian lives deserve protection in one conflict, they deserve equal protection in every conflict. Human dignity should not depend upon geography, political alliances, or economic leverage.
Ultimately, history often judges nations less by their economic strength than by the principles they defend during periods of crisis. Trade agreements may expire. Political administrations may change. Economic disputes may eventually be resolved.
But moral choices frequently leave lasting legacies.
Whether one fully agrees with Spain’s policy or not, its response has reignited an important global conversation about the relationship between power and principle. It challenges governments everywhere to reflect upon the values that shape their foreign policy decisions and the price they are willing to pay to uphold them.
In a world increasingly driven by strategic competition and economic influence, Spain’s reported response serves as a reminder that there are moments when conscience seeks to speak louder than commerce.
History has often remembered those who chose humanity over convenience. The present generation now watches to see which path today’s leaders will choose.
– Abdulkarim Abdulmalik, an Abuja-based Journalist, can be reached on: nowmalik@gmail.com