OPL 245 is probably the most well-known oil block to be awarded by the Nigerian government more for the legal disputes and international arbitrations, with regard to its acquisition and ownership involving the Federal Government of Nigeria, Shell and Malabu Oil as well as a large cast of actors across courts in Nigeria, United States, United Kingdom and. Italy. Whereas OPL 245, a versatile, deep water offshore asset off the Niger Delta was one of other similar licenses awarded to encourage indigenous participation in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, it is caught in a complex web of scandals, allegations of corruption, bribery, and so much melodrama in and out of the courtrooms. In an earlier book titled Burden of Service, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, had written among other things, on this controversial Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL), or what is also known as “Malabugate”; in the present book, a sequel to his first book, he focusses on the OPL 245 in an extensive and comprehensive account of the allegations about his role, the burden that he has had to endure in terms of what he calls “clinical persecution” (p. 149), or “the lies and lies and more lies” (p. 153) that were told against him, and his eventual vindication. Adoke’s OPL 245, is by his own admission, “therapeutic”, a book that needed to be written, to set the records straight, for posterity and to clear his name through a documentation of facts and circumstances. Adoke was Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, April 2010 – June 2015. At the time the OPL 245 saga began in 2003, he was not yet in government, nor was he either when the block was revoked by the Obasanjo government on July 2, 2001, or when a Settlement Agreement was signed in 2006.
Bello Adoke
But when he was appointed AGF/Minister of Justice in 2010, OPL 245 became one of the matters he inherited as Attorney General (p. 23). It was during this period that the Jonathan administration confirmed the award of OPL 245 to Malabu, This author is very clear in stating that the politicisation of OPL 245 was caused by former President Olusegun Obasanjo “who woke up one morning and set OPL 245 on fire” )…he revoked the block without giving any reasons..(p.21), resulting in a series of litigations involving NNPC, Malabu and Shell. which stalled the development of the asset. One of Adoke’s first assignments as AGF/Minister of Justice was to help unpack the logjam, and he had advised that the 2006 Settlement Agreement was binding on the Federal Government. In the Resolution Agreement that was arrived at in April 2011, Shell and Nigeria Agip Exploration Ltd. (NAE) would pay $1.3 billion into an escrow account with J. P. Morgan in London, while Malabu would receive $1.092 billion as compensation as “full and final settlement.” As the Chief Law Officer of the Federation, Adoke was convinced that he had given the government proper advice in the circumstances. This book is about the twists and turns that he would have to deal with later. The exact nature of the burden of service that he has spoken about is laid bare in this book. On May 29, 2015, after the Jonathan administration had left office, and the Muhammadu Buhari administration had been sworn in, Adoke said he received messages from those in the know that he was going to be hounded by the new government. He was in fact advised to leave town. He heeded the advice, but more specifically to proceed for further studies at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands. His travails soon began. He was accused of taking a bribe of N300 million (US$2.2 m) from the OPL 245 agreement, or another $801 million money, laundering and abuse of office. Adoke insists on his innocence. Nonetheless, he remained in exile, from May 29, 2015 till December 19, 2019, in-between the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) filed cases against him in court, his name was mentioned in legal disputes in Italy, the US and the UK, his apartment was raided in the Netherlands, his houses were searched in Nigeria, a Warrant of Arrest was issued against him internationally, leading to his arrest and detention for 35 days by INTERPOL in Dubai, UAE, upon his return to Nigeria, he spent another 55 days in EFCC detention, he was even interrogated over the P&ID matter, and it was not until April 2024 that he was fully cleared of all allegations of wrongdoing in Nigerian courts, resulting in his vindication. Thus, he has had to suffer for about eight years, with threats to his life and well-being. As he puts it: “…when President Muhammadu Buhari came to power in 2015, he chose to come after me. Agreed that he misruled Nigeria for eight years, but he at least got distinction in one thing: destroying my name. He turned me to the poster boy of a scandal that never was. I was arrested and detained in the UAE for 35 days. I was arrested and detained for another 55 days in Nigeria by the EFCC. Anywhere my name is mentioned today, it is Malabu and OPL 245 that usually come to mind, thanks to Buhari who harbored a collection of bitter feelings against me for reasons best known to him.” In this book, Adoke fights back, relying on his vindication at every turn by the courts. The book is divided into Five Parts and 26 chapters. It is a cold-blooded, no-holds-barred response to everyone whom he considers as having played an unkind role in the course of his travails. This may well end up as a very controversial book as the affected persons and institutions may seek to write their own stories, for it should not be assumed that everyone in this cast of heroes and villains would simply read the book and accept guilt. A few examples may perhaps convey an impression of this book’s flavour. In Chapter 5, Adoke says former President Olusegun Obasanjo is “clever by half,” and that he owes Nigerians an apology for “blatantly lying” (p.43). He says “Obasanjo failed the ultimate leadership test”. (p. 42) in the matter of OPL 245. He adds that “It was disingenuous of Obasanjo to have tried to distort historical facts.” (p.53.) On President Buhari he observes that “…he (Buhari) was driven by vengeance. Vengeance for the Abacha family. He believed I was unfair to the Abachas in the OPL 245 deal…” (p.13). Having established what he calls “ Intrigue and Vendetta” in the First Part of the book, Part Two titled “A Den of Defamers” is a systematic skewering of those he considers his traducers namely President Muhammadu Buhari, “a. friend and defender of the Abacha family” (p. 55) Professor John Paden, author he says of “the shabby biography” of Muhammadu Buhari, Mohammed Sani or Muhammadu Abacha who claims he owns 50% of Malabu which he did not pay for, and yet wanted “a cut from the Malabu windfall” (p.60). Others who seem to have been part of “the Grand Conspiracy” against Adoke include Prof. Yemi Osinbajo and his lawyer friend, Olabode Johnson “whose firm and partners were targeting a commission of between 5% and 35%,” Mr. Abubakar Malami, Adoke’s successor as AGF, UK-based Global Witness, Fabio de Pasquale, an Italian prosecutor, HEDA Resource Centre, a Nigerian NGO working with Global Witness, Mr. Rislanudeen Mohammed who lied, Sahara Reporters, which Adoke calls “an-anything-goes-website (p. 63) and Premium Times newspaper– all involved in “character assassination… and the mudslinging agenda.” (p. 63. Chapter 8 titled “The Ruthless Enforcer” is a detailed review of the role of the EFCC under Mr. Ibrahim Magu in the author’s travails, what he calls the Magu pandemic (p.74), one EFCC prosecutor Mr. Bala Sanga is even dismissed as “one lowlife…miserable (p.73). Adoke does not pull his punches, large portions of this book must have been written in a fit of anger. Professor Yemi Osinbajo is labelled “the Conflicted Mr. Clean…who likes to be seen as the epitome of transparency, honesty and accountability” (p. 90). Abubakar Malami is called a betrayer and a viper (Chapter 10, “The Antics of Malami”, pp.81-95). Olanrewaju Suraju, HEDA Resource Centre and Global Witness got their own thrashing in Chapter 12 titled “The Headless Mob”. Fabio De Pasquale is “the Italian Jobber” whose eventual demotion by Italy’s Superior Council of the Judiciary, Adoke celebrates, just as he would also gloat over Mr. Godwin Emefiele’s travails later in the book (p.256 -258). “Death finally caught up with the hunter”, Adoke writes sarcastically. Part III is titled “Harrassed and Embarrased”: five chapters in which the reader is taken through the author’s detention in Dubai, for 35 days from 12 November 2019 till 19 December 2019 when he decided of his own volition, to return to Nigeria only to be detained for another 55 days in EFCC Custody. Part IV: “Trials and Triumphs,” is a very detailed report of the various cases related to OPL 245 in the United States, Italy, the UK and the pronouncements by the courts in Nigeria. Lawyers, students of case law, prosecutors and the general reader would find a lot that is instructive in this part of the book. The reporting is robust, the documentation is extensive, and illuminating about how the path to justice may be tortuous: justice for the accused, justice for the jury and justice for society. It is difficult to see, however, how justice has been done to society in the case of OPL 245. Beyond the arrested development of the asset, it is curious as this author asserts that OPL 245 litigation was a very lucrative oil block, as lucrative as OPL 245 itself for lawyers and their allies in the Buhari administration…. that is – “a monumental waste of resources” (p. 200). The book is brought to a close with “Reflections and Recollections” (pp. 246 – 266). Chapter 26 opens with a telling statement: “I was discharged and acquitted but the scars remain” (p. 253), and this is perhaps understandable, given the picture of man’s wickedness to man that Adoke paints, to rise to an esteemed position of being the chief law officer of the Federation only to be humiliated by “a desperate, vicious and ruthless government” – Adoke’s description of Buhari’s government. There are four sub-texts running through the entire book: the first is how the institutions of state, such as the EFCC and the judiciary can be used to pursue “unmitigated acts of persecution”, the second sub-text is the fickleness of the human mind, and the deep-seated hatred that some nurse in their minds, the third sub-text is the use and abuse of the media, and the fourth is how the kind of treatment and experience that Adoke has had provide justification for the refusal of many otherwise public-spirited persons to take up political or government appointments. Over twelve years of litigation upon litigation over OPL 245 further raises questions about the quality of leadership in Nigeria. And so Adoke asks: “Who truly short-changed Nigeria between Adoke and Buhari?” Readers of the book may well find answers within its pages. The book is dedicated “to all who stood by me when I was going through the darkest era of my life. My vindication is a victory for those who gave me a benefit of the doubt.” These include Ibrahim Lamorde, Chairman of the EFCC who was relieved of his position, a day after he insisted that Adoke was innocent, President Jonathan, “a super respecter of the law” (p. 84), late Mallam Abba Kyari, Chief of Staff to Buhari, Ambassador Baba Kamara, the legal team led by Chief Kanu Agabi, SAN as well as true friends and relatives. The book ends on a note of thanksgiving as the author chooses to pray: “The Almighty, to whom all glory belongs, will reward every single person who stood by me.” The boy from Nagazi, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, lawyer, now author and public intellectual, should find some healing for his scars if his story as told here is warmly received by those to whom it may concern. The book has strong merit.
Abati, media aide to ex President Goodluck Jonathan, on review of a book titled: “OPL 245: Inside Story of the $1.3 bn Nigerian Oil Block” UK: printed by The Conrad Press, 2025, of 271 pages.
The death of Muhammadu Buhari on Sunday, July 13, 2025, was not only a monumental loss to his immediate family, but to the entire Nigeria, which he served with unmatched devotion and dignity. He was a towering figure in our national history. As a soldier, General Buhari stood tall with courage, unwavering discipline and an incorruptible spirit. As a statesman and President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, he embodied the highest ideals of public service, personal sacrifice and national commitment. His journey through Nigeria’s turbulent political and security landscape remains a testament to his resilience, fortitude and selfless patriotism. I recall with immense gratitude and humility his entrusting me with the honour of serving our nation as Chief of the Naval Staff, in January 2021. That appointment, which lasted until the end of his tenure in 2023, remains one of the greatest privileges of my life. I have very fond memories of hosting him at the Navy’s Presidential Fleet Review in Lagos, a week before he left office. It was his last major military assignment as President and Commander-in-Chief, and an opportunity to commemorate the transformation of the Nigerian Navy under his leadership. In him, I found not only a Commander-in-Chief, but a father figure who was firm yet fair, deeply principled and constantly invested in the well-being and professional growth of those under his leadership. His impact on my life and the lives of countless others in the military and civilian spheres, will remain indelible. In his quiet and unassuming style—he was never one to seek adulation or publicity for what he did—he offered boundless support to me and the other Service Chiefs—investing in the welfare of our personnel, and the acquisition of new hardware and equipment, and giving us the space and the confidence to fulfil our mandate. President Buhari’s integrity was his enduring signature. In a world too often swayed by transient gains, he remained unmoved, anchored in honesty, simplicity and love for his country. His deep compassion for the poor and the less privileged reflected in his policies and personal conduct. His austere lifestyle, transparent governance style and tireless war against corruption set a standard that continues to inspire generations of Nigerians. There was no bigger fan of his than my mother, and her joy was indescribable when I was named the Chief of Naval Staff by a President she deeply admired and had followed for decades. One of her best moments was paying him a personal visit after he left office, and she joins the millions of people who now deeply mourn him. Though his physical presence is no longer with us, his spirit lives on in every institution he strengthened, every reform he championed, and every life he touched. His family and Nigerians will find solace in the knowledge that he served his people with honour, left this world with dignity, and will forever be remembered as one of the most consequential leaders in our nation’s history. His legacy is a light that will never fade, Insha Allah. As we bid him farewell, I pray that Almighty Allah (SWT) grants him Aljannah Firdaus. May He also grant strength and peace to his beloved family and to all of us who mourn the passing of a great patriot.
Vice Admiral AZ Gambo (Rtd) CFR, the 21st Indigenous Chief of the Naval Staff, wrote in from Abuja.
President Bola Tinubu of Nigeria and President Umaro Sissoco Embaló of Guinea-Bissau as well as the Niger Republic Prime Minister, Ali Lamine Zeine, were among thousands of people who attended the funeral rites of the late ex President Muhammadu Buhari today, July 15, in Daura, Katsina State. The remains of Buhari were conveyed to Nigeria by the Vice-President Kashim Shettima and the Chief of Staff to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila aboard a Nigerian Air force flight -FGT 001, which touched ground at the Umaru Musa Yar’adua International Airport, around 2p.m. The body was received by President Tinubu, Governor Dikko Radda of Katsina State, National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, other Governors and dignitaries. After a farewell parade in honour of the late former Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, his remains were conveyed to Daura by road. The funeral prayer was led by Imam Hassan Yusuf, after 4p.m., at the Daura Helipad.
The prayer was performed by many dignitaries, notable among them were the former Nigerien President, Mahamadou Issoufou and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar. Others were members of the National Assembly, Emir of Daura, Alhaji Umar Faruk-Umar, that of Katsina, Alhaji Abdulmumini Kabir-Usman and Emirs of Zazzau, Dutse and Kazaure, among others. Captains of industries like Alhaji Aliko Dangote and Alhaji Dahiru Barau Mangal also attended the burial. After the funeral prayer, the corpse was taken to his personal residence where he was buried. The funeral rites were attended by thousands of people who were earlier denied access to the venue but later allowed to enter. Some of the people interviewed, spoke glowingly about the virtues of the late former President who distinguished himself for integrity, honesty and discipline. Salisu Lawal said that Buhari was a great man who loved staying with his people and offer a helping hand to them. Aliyu Nasiru, another resident, described the death of Buhari as a great loss not only to his immediate family, but to the state and the country. “The death has created a vacuum that is difficult to fill, he will continue to be remembered for his good virtues,” he said. He prayed to the Almighty Allah to forgive his shortcomings, grant him Al-Jannah Firdaus.
Nigerian Vice President, Kashim Shettima, who is in London at the behest of President Bola Tinubu to formally convey back to Nigeria, the remains of immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari who died yesterday in a London clinic, visited the wife of the late President, Aisha and other members of his family in London today, July 14. Shettima and his hosts could not hold back tears that flew freely.
The Nigerian House of Representatives has described the death of the immediate past President of the country, Muhammadu Buhari, in London today, July 13, as the end of an era. “His passing marks the end of an era defined by discipline, devotion to national service, and a firm commitment to strengthening Nigeria’s democratic institutions.” In a statement to mourn Buhari, the House of Reps spokesperson, Akin Rotimi, Jr. recalled that during his presidency, the National Assembly enjoyed a largely constructive working relationship with him. The statement said that such collaboration yielded the historic restoration of the January–December budget cycle, beginning with the 2020 Appropriation Act. It stressed that the said fiscal reform significantly enhanced transparency, planning and accountability in the management of public resources. Part of the statement reads: President Buhari also signed into law several landmark pieces of legislation passed by the National Assembly. These include: * The Petroleum Industry Act (2021), which restructured the oil and gas sector after decades of stalled reform efforts. * The Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA, 2020), which modernised corporate regulation and improved the ease of doing business. * The Finance Acts (2019, 2020, 2021, 2022), which introduced critical tax and fiscal policy reforms. * The Deep Offshore and Inland Basin Production Sharing Contracts (Amendment) Act (2019), which significantly increased government revenue from offshore oil exploration. * The Electoral Act (2022), which provided a stronger legal framework for free, fair, and credible elections, including enabling provisions for technological innovation. Additionally, President Buhari assented to several Constitution Alteration Bills transmitted by the 9th National Assembly in March 2023. Among the most consequential amendments were: * The alteration of the Second Schedule to allow states to generate, transmit, and distribute electricity within areas covered by the national grid. * The transfer of railway services from the Exclusive Legislative List to the Concurrent Legislative List. * The granting of financial and administrative autonomy to State Houses of Assembly and State Judiciaries. * The empowerment of states to establish their own correctional (prison) services. * The requirement that Presidents and Governors submit names of ministerial and commissioner nominees within 60 days of taking office. These constitutional reforms marked a significant stride in deepening federalism and entrenching democratic governance in Nigeria. Under his leadership, the National Social Investment Programme Agency Act was also enacted, providing a legal framework for the delivery of social welfare interventions such as N-Power, TraderMoni, and the Conditional Cash Transfer Scheme to millions of vulnerable Nigerians; thereby institutionalising the Federal Government’s poverty alleviation strategy. President Buhari’s tenure was also marked by key contributions to political inclusion and historical redress. He signed the Not Too Young to Run Act (2018), removing age restrictions that had previously limited youth participation in electoral politics. He also officially designated June 12 as Nigeria’s new Democracy Day in honour of the late Chief MKO Abiola, thereby correcting a long-standing national injustice and affirming the value of democratic resistance. Beyond legislation, his administration completed critical national infrastructure projects, including the long-awaited Second Niger Bridge, and commissioned nearly 1,000 kilometres of rail lines. His government also made strategic investments in roads, power, and transportation systems with a focus on national integration and long-term development. Above all, his greatest legacy is his spartan discipline and steadfast integrity as a veteran soldier and gentleman patriot. He demonstrated the power of personal example through a life of simplicity, modesty, and moral clarity. These enduring qualities earned him a devoted following and widespread admiration, especially among ordinary Nigerians. In a condolence message on the loss, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Rt. Hon. Abbas Tajudeen, PhD, GCON, said: “The news of the demise of former President Muhammadu Buhari was shocking to me. But we cannot question our Creator. All mortals shall taste death. May Allah forgive his shortcomings and grant him Jannatul Firdaus. “He was an officer and statesman who made a name for himself as incorruptible and lived a life defined by simplicity and a remarkable absence of materialism, virtues that earned him widespread respect and trust across the country.” On behalf of the 10th House of Representatives, we extend our heartfelt condolences to his beloved wife, H.E. Hajiya Aisha Buhari, his family, the Government and People of Katsina State, and all Nigerians. May his legacy of public service, national integrity, and institutional reform endure in the annals of our nation’s history.
President Bola Tinubu has ordered Nigerian flag fly at half-mast as a mark of respect for the immediate past President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari who died today, July 13, in London. The President also ordered Vice President Kashim Shettima to proceed to the United Kingdom immediately to accompany Buhari’s body back to Nigeria. A statement by his spokesperson, Bayo Onanuga confirmed that “Buhari died today in London at about 4.30 pm, following a prolonged illness.” The statement said that President Tinubu has spoken with Mrs. Aishat Buhari, the former President’s widow and offered his deep condolences. He recalled that late Muhammadu Buhari was twice elected Nigeria’s President in 2015 and 2023. “He also served as military head of state between January 1984 and August 1985.”
Immediate past President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari has been confirmed dead in London. A statement by the family and signed by his former media aide, Malam Garba Shehu, said that the elder statesman died today afternoon, July 13, at a clinic in the United Kingdom. The brief statement read: “Inna Lillahi Wa Inna Ilaihi Raji’un. The family of the former president has announced the passing on of the former president, Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR, this afternoon in a clinic in London. May Allah accept him in Aljannatul Firdaus, Amin.” Born on December 17, 1942, in Daura, Katsina State, Buhari served as Nigeria’s Head of State between December 1983 and August 1985 following a military coup, and later returned to power as a democratically elected president in 2015, serving two consecutive terms until 2023. Buhari was known for his anti-corruption stance, infrastructural development initiatives, and efforts to combat insecurity, even as his administration faced criticism on economic and human rights issues. Meanwhile tributes have begun pouring in from across the country and beyond, with many remembering him for his discipline, integrity, and influence in shaping Nigeria’s democratic journey. Funeral arrangements are yet to be announced by the family.
I humbly request our esteemed readers to allow the use of local proverbs and wise sayings to illustrate some points that need to be made in this piece, from the point of view of the fact that the subject matter, suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is representing them in the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. To start with, it is a saying in Ebira language that vị ọzà a kwetẹ zi ịrẹyị nị meaning, literally that person should stoop low to tackle trouble. In other words, a wise person is expected to take great care before jumping into trouble, which have the semblance of the Bob Marley’s “he who fights and runs away, lives to fight another day.” Another wise saying in the local parlance is: ókókòrò vana hị́ eku ẹchịchị ka ọnụ́rà òtòotó, meaning that the whistle is calling eku echichi (strong masquerade) a born fool (which the masquerade may mistake to be a praise). In summarizing the two compelling Ebira wise sayings above, one would conclude that the whistlers that are urging suspended Senator Natasha to fight the system are gaining from her financially. Such whistlers appear determined not to seize asking her to fight on, even as she stands atop the mountain (instead of stooping to possibly conquer). It is wrong for those who are blowing dangerous whistle for her to sị buruburu (fight on with all the strength) to equate her attitude to that of an average Ebira person. Of course, Ebira people, both men and women, are known to be courageous, strong and dogged fighters, especially when they are being cheated or molested, but most of them believe in anyá yị ịnịnẹ da jị atẹ́ ọvụ̂ vẹhẹ nị (though the blood is inside the body but white saliva is spitted out), meaning that one can continue to interact with one’s enemy while being careful to avoid more clashes. To be sure, an average Ebira person is respectful and humble when dealing with leadership and constituted authority: his major trademark is calmness in a normal circumstance, and can easily mend to fit into new circumstance.
……Natasha… It is quite obvious, from the comportment of our dear senator so far that she is being controlled by the forces from within that are too powerful for her to resist: the forces that are gaining tremendously from her in terms of financial gratifications. But curiously, aside from being an Ebira woman, brought up in Ebiraland, Natasha is a confirmed lawyer; a Barrister and by and large, a leader. It is expected that she would understand the nuances of leadership which she is currently part of. In leadership, there is a concept called give and take. A good leader doesn’t aspire to win all the time because he or she should know that the other leader in the neighborhood also wants to win. And of course, leadership in Nigerian political context is all about putting cards in the right places, and be ready always to shift grounds in order to accommodate the developing realities. It is about what one gets for one’s self and more importantly, the people one represents anywhere. Which brings about clearly, the idea of the political creche: “there are permanent interests and no permanent enemies.” The point must be stressed that Natasha is in the Senate not to represent herself but the interests, needs, and aspirations of all communities in Kogi Central. She is there to serve as the voice of the people at state and national levels. Her duty, like her peers in the hallow chamber of the national assembly, is to initiate, support and advocate for laws, policies and programmes that can benefit Kogi Central constituents in the areas of education, health, roads, employment, etc, as well as to monitor effective implementation of such laws. She is there to ensure fair distribution of projects and opportunities across all areas in the senatorial district without bias and to promote unity among Ebira people and other groups within Kogi Central, irrespective of class, gender and even clan. Natasha was voted into the Senate to also attract infrastructural development such as water, electricity, roads, markets, schools, health centres and to support empowerment programmes for youth, women and vulnerable groups. Above all, she is there to use her unique position as the first female to have been voted into the Senate from the senatorial area, and one of the very infinitesimal female senators, to promote peace, mediate communal disputes and foster security within the area. Indeed, she ought to have imbibed the spirit of working with other leaders, irrespective of political affiliations, traditional leaders and security agencies to maintain harmony in Kogi Central senatorial district. Natasha should have been accountable to the electorate for all actions and projects, not necessarily in financial matters but in the ways she conducts the affairs of her privileged office. She should have initiated the program of engaging in regular town hall meetings and consultations as means to move to every next level. In such town hall interactive sessions, she would provide regular feedback to the constituents. Of course, no one denies the fact that Natasha has been forthcoming in the areas of mentorship and human capital development through the empowerment of the upcoming leaders and professionals as well as facilitating scholarships, skills acquisition and job opportunities for youths, but all such things were being done from her personal pulse, perhaps to gain pure personal popularity. What she is doing in essence therefore is philanthropy, which is quite commendable and encouraging. However, such philanthropic activities, by what appears to be her inadequacy in the ideal leadership responsibilities, have not properly linked to her senatorial position, representing Kogi Central Senatorial District. Even if she returns to the Senate eventually, she really needs to align to the proper representative function, which, in democratic environment, should include lobbying, cultivating rapport with fellow senators, at least, a few of them plus of course, fellow female senators; placing personal interests in subordination to the interests of the district she is representing; participating fully in the internal working of the Senate and learning to ignore the idea of entitlement. Natasha needs to aim at raising standards for the future politicians that aspire to represent the Senatorial District, through not just philanthropic activities which is individually based, but through the exemplary attitude she exhibits towards attracting good things to the people of the district. She should ignore those who are beating the drum of war and hailing her to si buruburu. She should try to do away with social media warriors whose interest in her does not go beyond the facade but injures the interests of Kogi Central Senatorial District badly. Confrontation in whichever form and by whatever means, right or wrong, cannot benefit the people of the district in the long run, but has the potentiality of leading to frustration and emptiness, not for her but for her constituents. As Ebira proverb says: ịsị́ ụ̀mẹ̀nẹ̀ zụ́ dọ́ ẹngwụ́kata ẹyịzụ́ dọ ọ, meaning that what can be achieved through peace cannot be achieved through war. Constantly fighting, thinking or being made to think that it is fastest way to achieve progress or to get attention of the hailers and social media warriors, has no long term positive result. And when the chips are down, the hailers and social media warriors would disappear, leaving badly bruised scars in the communities.
Yusuf Ozi-Usman, nipr, is a veteran journalist/editor, who had covered many political intrigues in Nigeria, including the political drama that led to the impeachment, by the State House of Assembly, dominated by the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), of late Alhaji Balarabe Musa as Governor of Kaduna State elected on the platform the People Redemption Part (PRP) between 1979 and 1981.
At home in the Kogi Central Senatorial District, suspended Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan is seen as a contentious figure, frequently at odds with established leadership and openly confrontational toward those she deems adversaries. She often targets certain individuals as sworn enemies and extends her hostility to anyone associated with them. She has shown little or no regard for the paramount traditional ruler of Ebiraland, the Ohinoyi, while curiously extending respect to his subordinates, the Ohis, honor she unarguably ought to reserve for the Ohinoyi himself. Like a leaking basket spilling water everywhere, Senator Natasha carried her confrontational and unruly demeanor into the Nigerian Senate. She seems to disregard the fact that legislative proceedings, whether in plenary sessions or committee meetings, are governed by established Senate rules. These rules not only guide the conduct of members but also provide for sanctions in cases of violation. The Senate chamber is called “hallowed” for a reason, it is a space where order and decorum are paramount. It will be recalled that on March 20 this year, Senator Mohammed Tahir Monguno raised a point of order to report Senator Natasha for breaching Senate rules. He cited Order 6, which mandates that “the President of the Senate shall allocate a seat to each senator.” Subsection 6(2) further stipulates that senators may only speak from the seat allocated by the presiding officer, who also reserves the right to reassign seats when necessary. Relying on this provision, Senator Monguno explained: “It is at the discretion of the Senate President, as circumstances may warrant, to reassign a senator’s seat. Recently, two senators, Ned Nwoko (PDP) and Francis Ezenwa (Labour Party), defected to the APC, necessitating their movement from the Minority to the Majority side. Exercising the powers vested in him under Order 6(2), the Senate President directed the Chief Whip to reallocate seats. Following this directive, Senator Natasha was assigned a new seat, but she refused to vacate her previous one, in direct violation of our rules.” Senator Monguno urged that, based on the standing rules, Senator Natasha must comply with the seat reassignment or risk being denied recognition to speak during plenary.
After the Chief Whip completed his submission, the Senate President upheld the point of order by striking the gavel. This ruling meant that Senator Natasha could no longer address the chamber unless she did so from her newly assigned seat. In defiance of this directive, Senator Natasha leapt to her feet, waving a copy of the Senate rules and shouting “Point of Order.” The Senate President reminded her that she could not speak unless seated in her designated position. Ignoring this, she continued to shout, invoking Order 10, which deals with breaches of a senator’s privileges. Due to her continued disruption, the Senate President ordered the Sergeant-at-Arms to escort her out of the chamber. The officer moved in her direction but hesitated, perhaps expecting her to calm down and comply. The Senate President, meanwhile, refrained from repeating the order, likely to de-escalate the situation. Some senators approached her in an attempt to placate her, but she rebuffed their efforts and continued making disrespectful remarks. Amid the controversy, days later, Senator Natasha accused Senate President Godswill Akpabio of sexual harassment, a grave allegation. Following this, the Senate disciplinary committee imposed a six-month suspension on her, most notably for her unruly attitudes, not because of her allegation against the Senate President. Since then, Senator Natasha has seemingly embraced the spotlight, enjoying media attention and public sympathy, elevating her profile more as a controversial figure, than as a lawmaker tasked with representing her constituents. She has continued to grant numerous interviews,many of them deemed unnecessary, on both local and international platforms. She has become a social media sensation, a globetrotter, and, some would argue, a celebrity. Her public appearances with her husband at the National Assembly, where they were seen kissing and dancing, have drawn criticism. These displays have led many to believe that she is relishing her suspension, while the people of Kogi Central remain without representation. Her absence raises a constitutional concern. Her constituents are now effectively voiceless in the Senate, potentially undermining their right to representation, a right enshrined in the Nigerian Constitution. This situation potends a dangerous precedent. Just days ago, the Senate further removed Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan as Chairperson of the Committee on Diaspora and Non-Governmental Organisations, replacing her with Senator Aniekan Bassey. The committee plays a key role in engaging the Nigerian diaspora, guiding policies on remittances, fostering dialogue with local authorities, and promoting cross-border collaboration. It also oversees diaspora-related budget proposals. Akpoti-Uduaghan had only recently been reassigned to the Diaspora Committee on February 4, following her removal as Chair of the Senate Committee on Local Content, a move that was part of a broader committee reshuffle. Her previous chairmanship of the Local Content Committee could have brought significant benefits to her constituents, particularly in areas of employment and local development. However, these opportunities appear to have taken a back seat to her increasingly dramatic public displays. A six-month suspension is no small matter. It has tangible consequences for the constituency she was elected to serve. Yes, Senator Natasha has been distributing food and grains, but as the saying goes, “man shall not live by bread alone.” Her constituents need more than handouts, they need active, consistent representation in the Senate. While she travels and embraces the limelight, her people endure the cost of her absence. At the end, Natasha’s suspension is her gains, while it remains the pains of her constituents in Kogi Central Senatorial District.
Ozumi Abdul is a journalist, writer, columnist, fact-checker and PR consultant. He can be reached via abdulozumi83@gmail.com
Malam Garba Shehu, a media aide to the immediate past President Muhammadu Buhari, has debunked rumour making the rounds about the ill health of his boss. According to Garba Shehu, Buhari is improving steadily from his recent health challenge in London and showing positive signs every day. Reacting to the rumour, he said that the 82-year-old Buhari is stronger and healthier now than he did before becoming president. “He looks much better after leaving the office than before he became president.” Garba Shehu pointed to Buhari’s dedication to a healthy lifestyle as a major reason for his recovery. He said that the former president sticks to a simple but disciplined routine.
“He eats healthy and exercises regularly. At the farm in Daura, four times a week, he does one and a half hours of rigorous walking all around.” Even before falling ill, Buhari remained physically active during his stay in the UK. “Even in the UK, when he went for a medical check before he fell ill, he flooded the streets,” Shehu added, referring to Buhari’s habit of taking long walks. Garba Shehu did not deny the fact that Buhari was admitted to the hospital but that his condition was never as bad as some made it seem.
“Buhari has been discharged. It was not as intense as reported. He was hospitalised, and now he is being cared for.
“He is in a recovery mode. Each day, he gets better, but until it’s all over, you can’t say it is over.”
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The prayer was performed by many dignitaries, notable among them were the former Nigerien President, Mahamadou Issoufou and former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar.
……Natasha…
After the Chief Whip completed his submission, the Senate President upheld the point of order by striking the gavel. This ruling meant that Senator Natasha could no longer address the chamber unless she did so from her newly assigned seat.
“Buhari has been discharged. It was not as intense as reported. He was hospitalised, and now he is being cared for.
OPL 245: Adoke And The Malabu Saga, By Reuben Abati
OPL 245 is probably the most well-known oil block to be awarded by the Nigerian government more for the legal disputes and international arbitrations, with regard to its acquisition and ownership involving the Federal Government of Nigeria, Shell and Malabu Oil as well as a large cast of actors across courts in Nigeria, United States, United Kingdom and. Italy. Whereas OPL 245, a versatile, deep water offshore asset off the Niger Delta was one of other similar licenses awarded to encourage indigenous participation in Nigeria’s oil and gas sector, it is caught in a complex web of scandals, allegations of corruption, bribery, and so much melodrama in and out of the courtrooms. In an earlier book titled Burden of Service, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, had written among other things, on this controversial Oil Prospecting Licence (OPL), or what is also known as “Malabugate”; in the present book, a sequel to his first book, he focusses on the OPL 245 in an extensive and comprehensive account of the allegations about his role, the burden that he has had to endure in terms of what he calls “clinical persecution” (p. 149), or “the lies and lies and more lies” (p. 153) that were told against him, and his eventual vindication.
Adoke’s OPL 245, is by his own admission, “therapeutic”, a book that needed to be written, to set the records straight, for posterity and to clear his name through a documentation of facts and circumstances. Adoke was Nigeria’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, April 2010 – June 2015. At the time the OPL 245 saga began in 2003, he was not yet in government, nor was he either when the block was revoked by the Obasanjo government on July 2, 2001, or when a Settlement Agreement was signed in 2006.
But when he was appointed AGF/Minister of Justice in 2010, OPL 245 became one of the matters he inherited as Attorney General (p. 23). It was during this period that the Jonathan administration confirmed the award of OPL 245 to Malabu, This author is very clear in stating that the politicisation of OPL 245 was caused by former President Olusegun Obasanjo “who woke up one morning and set OPL 245 on fire” )…he revoked the block without giving any reasons..(p.21), resulting in a series of litigations involving NNPC, Malabu and Shell. which stalled the development of the asset.
One of Adoke’s first assignments as AGF/Minister of Justice was to help unpack the logjam, and he had advised that the 2006 Settlement Agreement was binding on the Federal Government. In the Resolution Agreement that was arrived at in April 2011, Shell and Nigeria Agip Exploration Ltd. (NAE) would pay $1.3 billion into an escrow account with J. P. Morgan in London, while Malabu would receive $1.092 billion as compensation as “full and final settlement.” As the Chief Law Officer of the Federation, Adoke was convinced that he had given the government proper advice in the circumstances. This book is about the twists and turns that he would have to deal with later. The exact nature of the burden of service that he has spoken about is laid bare in this book.
On May 29, 2015, after the Jonathan administration had left office, and the Muhammadu Buhari administration had been sworn in, Adoke said he received messages from those in the know that he was going to be hounded by the new government. He was in fact advised to leave town. He heeded the advice, but more specifically to proceed for further studies at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands. His travails soon began. He was accused of taking a bribe of N300 million (US$2.2 m) from the OPL 245 agreement, or another $801 million money, laundering and abuse of office. Adoke insists on his innocence. Nonetheless, he remained in exile, from May 29, 2015 till December 19, 2019, in-between the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) filed cases against him in court, his name was mentioned in legal disputes in Italy, the US and the UK, his apartment was raided in the Netherlands, his houses were searched in Nigeria, a Warrant of Arrest was issued against him internationally, leading to his arrest and detention for 35 days by INTERPOL in Dubai, UAE, upon his return to Nigeria, he spent another 55 days in EFCC detention, he was even interrogated over the P&ID matter, and it was not until April 2024 that he was fully cleared of all allegations of wrongdoing in Nigerian courts, resulting in his vindication. Thus, he has had to suffer for about eight years, with threats to his life and well-being.
As he puts it: “…when President Muhammadu Buhari came to power in 2015, he chose to come after me. Agreed that he misruled Nigeria for eight years, but he at least got distinction in one thing: destroying my name. He turned me to the poster boy of a scandal that never was. I was arrested and detained in the UAE for 35 days. I was arrested and detained for another 55 days in Nigeria by the EFCC. Anywhere my name is mentioned today, it is Malabu and OPL 245 that usually come to mind, thanks to Buhari who harbored a collection of bitter feelings against me for reasons best known to him.”
In this book, Adoke fights back, relying on his vindication at every turn by the courts. The book is divided into Five Parts and 26 chapters. It is a cold-blooded, no-holds-barred response to everyone whom he considers as having played an unkind role in the course of his travails. This may well end up as a very controversial book as the affected persons and institutions may seek to write their own stories, for it should not be assumed that everyone in this cast of heroes and villains would simply read the book and accept guilt.
A few examples may perhaps convey an impression of this book’s flavour. In Chapter 5, Adoke says former President Olusegun Obasanjo is “clever by half,” and that he owes Nigerians an apology for “blatantly lying” (p.43). He says “Obasanjo failed the ultimate leadership test”. (p. 42) in the matter of OPL 245. He adds that “It was disingenuous of Obasanjo to have tried to distort historical facts.” (p.53.) On President Buhari he observes that “…he (Buhari) was driven by vengeance. Vengeance for the Abacha family. He believed I was unfair to the Abachas in the OPL 245 deal…” (p.13). Having established what he calls “ Intrigue and Vendetta” in the First Part of the book, Part Two titled “A Den of Defamers” is a systematic skewering of those he considers his traducers namely President Muhammadu Buhari, “a. friend and defender of the Abacha family” (p. 55) Professor John Paden, author he says of “the shabby biography” of Muhammadu Buhari, Mohammed Sani or Muhammadu Abacha who claims he owns 50% of Malabu which he did not pay for, and yet wanted “a cut from the Malabu windfall” (p.60). Others who seem to have been part of “the Grand Conspiracy” against Adoke include Prof. Yemi Osinbajo and his lawyer friend, Olabode Johnson “whose firm and partners were targeting a commission of between 5% and 35%,” Mr. Abubakar Malami, Adoke’s successor as AGF, UK-based Global Witness, Fabio de Pasquale, an Italian prosecutor, HEDA Resource Centre, a Nigerian NGO working with Global Witness, Mr. Rislanudeen Mohammed who lied, Sahara Reporters, which Adoke calls “an-anything-goes-website (p. 63) and Premium Times newspaper– all involved in “character assassination… and the mudslinging agenda.” (p. 63. Chapter 8 titled “The Ruthless Enforcer” is a detailed review of the role of the EFCC under Mr. Ibrahim Magu in the author’s travails, what he calls the Magu pandemic (p.74), one EFCC prosecutor Mr. Bala Sanga is even dismissed as “one lowlife…miserable (p.73). Adoke does not pull his punches, large portions of this book must have been written in a fit of anger. Professor Yemi Osinbajo is labelled “the Conflicted Mr. Clean…who likes to be seen as the epitome of transparency, honesty and accountability” (p. 90). Abubakar Malami is called a betrayer and a viper (Chapter 10, “The Antics of Malami”, pp.81-95). Olanrewaju Suraju, HEDA Resource Centre and Global Witness got their own thrashing in Chapter 12 titled “The Headless Mob”. Fabio De Pasquale is “the Italian Jobber” whose eventual demotion by Italy’s Superior Council of the Judiciary, Adoke celebrates, just as he would also gloat over Mr. Godwin Emefiele’s travails later in the book (p.256 -258). “Death finally caught up with the hunter”, Adoke writes sarcastically.
Part III is titled “Harrassed and Embarrased”: five chapters in which the reader is taken through the author’s detention in Dubai, for 35 days from 12 November 2019 till 19 December 2019 when he decided of his own volition, to return to Nigeria only to be detained for another 55 days in EFCC Custody. Part IV: “Trials and Triumphs,” is a very detailed report of the various cases related to OPL 245 in the United States, Italy, the UK and the pronouncements by the courts in Nigeria. Lawyers, students of case law, prosecutors and the general reader would find a lot that is instructive in this part of the book. The reporting is robust, the documentation is extensive, and illuminating about how the path to justice may be tortuous: justice for the accused, justice for the jury and justice for society. It is difficult to see, however, how justice has been done to society in the case of OPL 245. Beyond the arrested development of the asset, it is curious as this author asserts that OPL 245 litigation was a very lucrative oil block, as lucrative as OPL 245 itself for lawyers and their allies in the Buhari administration…. that is – “a monumental waste of resources” (p. 200). The book is brought to a close with “Reflections and Recollections” (pp. 246 – 266). Chapter 26 opens with a telling statement: “I was discharged and acquitted but the scars remain” (p. 253), and this is perhaps understandable, given the picture of man’s wickedness to man that Adoke paints, to rise to an esteemed position of being the chief law officer of the Federation only to be humiliated by “a desperate, vicious and ruthless government” – Adoke’s description of Buhari’s government.
There are four sub-texts running through the entire book: the first is how the institutions of state, such as the EFCC and the judiciary can be used to pursue “unmitigated acts of persecution”, the second sub-text is the fickleness of the human mind, and the deep-seated hatred that some nurse in their minds, the third sub-text is the use and abuse of the media, and the fourth is how the kind of treatment and experience that Adoke has had provide justification for the refusal of many otherwise public-spirited persons to take up political or government appointments. Over twelve years of litigation upon litigation over OPL 245 further raises questions about the quality of leadership in Nigeria. And so Adoke asks: “Who truly short-changed Nigeria between Adoke and Buhari?” Readers of the book may well find answers within its pages.
The book is dedicated “to all who stood by me when I was going through the darkest era of my life. My vindication is a victory for those who gave me a benefit of the doubt.” These include Ibrahim Lamorde, Chairman of the EFCC who was relieved of his position, a day after he insisted that Adoke was innocent, President Jonathan, “a super respecter of the law” (p. 84), late Mallam Abba Kyari, Chief of Staff to Buhari, Ambassador Baba Kamara, the legal team led by Chief Kanu Agabi, SAN as well as true friends and relatives. The book ends on a note of thanksgiving as the author chooses to pray: “The Almighty, to whom all glory belongs, will reward every single person who stood by me.” The boy from Nagazi, Mohammed Bello Adoke, SAN, CFR, lawyer, now author and public intellectual, should find some healing for his scars if his story as told here is warmly received by those to whom it may concern. The book has strong merit.
Abati, media aide to ex President Goodluck Jonathan, on review of a book titled: “OPL 245: Inside Story of the $1.3 bn Nigerian Oil Block” UK: printed by The Conrad Press, 2025, of 271 pages.