Hajj And Politics Of Truth, 2025 Hajj Operations, By Ahmad Muazu

In a country where faith and public trust intersect at critical junctures, clarity is not a luxury it is a necessity.
A recent press release by three tour operators, who also serve as zonal vice presidents of the Association of Hajj and Umrah Operators of Nigeria (AHUON), demands such clarity.
Titled: “Why We Withdrew from Participating in the 2025 Hajj Exercise,” their statement casts a long and troubling shadow over this year’s Hajj operations, alleging improprieties and mismanagement by the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON).
But beneath the emotional fervor of their claims lies a web of factual distortions, misleading narratives, and uncorroborated allegations that risk confusing the public and eroding institutional credibility.
It is not just NAHCON’s reputation that is on trial, it is the trust of thousands of Nigerian pilgrims whose sacred journey depends on clarity, and competence.
Let us begin where the confusion started.
The central complaint leveled by the operators is NAHCON’s role in selecting Mashair service providers for the 2025 Hajj. The insinuation is clear: that NAHCON has overstepped its bounds and encroached on responsibilities that rightfully belong to private tour operators. This is not only false, but it is also dangerously misleading.
The truth is contained in the very document that gives NAHCON its legal backbone: the NAHCON Establishment Act of 2006. The Commission was neither created as a ceremonial overseer nor a passive observer. Section 4(1)(h) of the Act grants NAHCON explicit authority to “establish and maintain a system of financial control to ensure prudent and effective utilization of resources.” This is not a suggestion. It is a mandate. Further, Section 4(1)(j) empowers the Commission to “approve and regulate all matters relating to accommodation, transportation, and other services relating to the pilgrims and the pilgrimage.”
To disregard these provisions is to rewrite the law by press release.
To suggest that such decisions be ceded entirely to private operators, without oversight, is not only naïve it is a recipe for chaos and invariably an abdication of the provision of NAHCON’s mandate.
This is not to dismiss the vital role that tour operators play. Their boots-on-the-ground knowledge, logistical networks, and customer-facing services form an indispensable pillar of the Hajj ecosystem. But there must be a clear boundary between service provision and regulation as provided by law. NAHCON does not and cannot outsource its lawful responsibilities to entities with commercial interests in the very processes they seek to control.
Let us be clear: transparency is a two-way street. If tour operators are genuinely concerned about fairness and standards, let them come to the table with data, not insinuations; with constructive proposals, not ultimatums; with accountability, not self-serving interests masked as moral outrage.
Unraveling the Myths: What the Numbers Actually Say
Perhaps the most explosive of the allegations hurled at NAHCON is the claim that the Commission has been less than transparent in setting the 2025 Hajj fares. According to the tour operators’ narrative, NAHCON has manipulated costs, concealing the true financial burden from the Nigerian public. The accusation is dramatic. It is also demonstrably false.
In an era where public accountability is both demanded and measurable, NAHCON has made transparency its cornerstone. Well before the operational phase of the 2025 Hajj began, the Commission publicly released the approved fares for pilgrims ₦8.33 million for those departing from Borno and Adamawa, ₦8.46 million for other northern states, and ₦8.78 million for pilgrims from the South. These figures did not materialize in a vacuum. They emerged from months of meticulous consultations with stakeholders, financial modeling, and negotiations both local components and the Saudi international components.
The second and arguably most incendiary claim leveled by the tour operators is that NAHCON is inflating and deflating Hajj contracts for corrupt gain. It’s an accusation loaded with innuendo and devoid of evidence. It also willfully ignores the economic headwinds and policy shifts that have reshaped the cost landscape not just for Hajj, but for every sector in Nigeria over the past two years.
In 2023, a pilgrim embarking on the sacred journey from Lagos paid approximately ₦2.99 million. That figure rose sharply by 2024 not because of backroom deals or padded invoices but because Nigeria’s economic terrain changed dramatically. Following the government’s decision to float the naira, the exchange rate spiraled, and so too did the cost of all foreign-denominated services, including airfare, accommodation, and local transportation in Saudi Arabia.
The result? A recalibrated Hajj fare of about ₦6.8 million per pilgrim, up from the initially announced ₦4.9 million. That gap was bridged only through a ₦90 billion federal subsidy, a staggering intervention that covered ₦1.637 million per pilgrim. Even with that support, early registrants were forced to top up an additional ₦1.9 million to align with the new exchange-rate realities.
Fast-forward to 2025. The subsidy is gone, and pilgrims must now shoulder the full cost of the journey. The current fare ranging from ₦8.3 million to ₦8.7 million depending on region is not an arbitrary figure. It reflects the true market cost of an unsubsidized Hajj. The math is clear, the causality undeniable: it was foreign exchange volatility and the removal of government subsidies not corrupt procurement that shaped these figures.
If there was ever an era of inflated Hajj contracts, it existed long before NAHCON’s recent reforms. That was a time when shadowy middlemen brokered deals in smoke-filled rooms, inflating invoices and pocketing kickbacks at the expense of pilgrims. It’s a history that remains etched in institutional memory and one that some of today’s critics, ironically, were complicit in.
Indeed, the very individuals now accusing NAHCON of corruption were once beneficiaries of this old, unregulated system. Their 2023 Hajj airlift operations riddled with delays, mismanagement, and unmet service benchmarks stand as painful reminders of the era NAHCON has worked hard to dismantle. Under the leadership of Chairman Professor Abdullahi Saleh Usman, the Commission has launched a quiet revolution by enforcing competitive bidding and insisting on value-for-money principles that threaten the old patronage networks.
In short, some players are upset not because the system is broken but because it’s finally being fixed.
To blame corruption for rising costs in today’s macroeconomic environment is to weaponize public sentiment for private interests. It’s a convenient narrative but one that collapses under the weight of documented facts.
In a media environment quick to amplify outrage and slow to verify nuance, the phrase “widespread corruption in NAHCON” lands like a grenade. It risks doing more than damaging reputations. It undermines public confidence, erodes morale, and sweeps away the efforts of countless honest NAHCON STAFF under an umbrella of generalized suspicion.
Of course, no institution is without blemish. NAHCON, like every Nigerian public sector agency, has experienced isolated cases of misconduct. These episodes, however rare, are dealt with swiftly and decisively through official channels. Investigations were thorough, offenders held accountable, and corrective measures promptly put in place to prevent a reoccurrence.
But isolated incidents cannot justify sweeping and blanket indictments.
But to leap from a few infractions to the wholesale condemnation of an entire institution is neither accurate nor fair. It is a distortion one that talks more about the accuser’s intentions than the institution’s realities.
What the public often doesn’t see is the quiet dedication of the majority. The Nusuk masa team who work through the night to review online applications to process visas. The field officers who troubleshoot accommodation, feeding, Airports, media, security, transport, Tafweej, pilgrims release, tent management, in real time under the searing Saudi sun. The financial officers who audit every expense against internal controls. These are not faceless bureaucrats, these are NAHCON staff who are Nigerians of integrity, some of whom have been publicly recognized by anti-corruption bodies for their transparent service. Their stories, stories of selfless sacrifice, tireless commitment, and impeccable character rarely make headlines. These officials are never recognized.
To flatten all this into a headline of “widespread corruption” is not just lazy information sharing, but grossly irresponsible.
Another common refrain in their barrage of criticisms against NAHCON is that the Commission wields “unjust control” over the selection of service providers sidestepping tour operators and acting with little transparency. But beneath this accusation lies a fundamental misunderstanding, or perhaps a willful distortion, of what regulation means in the context of the Hajj.
Let’s start with the facts. NAHCON’s authority is not self-declared. It is rooted in law specifically, the NAHCON Establishment Act of 2006, which empowers the Commission to “license, regulate, supervise and perform oversight functions” over any entity involved in Hajj operations. This legal framework is not ornamental. It is the institutional spine that allows Nigeria to manage one of the most complex logistical and spiritual exercises on the planet.
In this role, NAHCON is mandated to vet and approve all service providers from airlines to accommodation vendors to catering companies to ensure pilgrims are not exploited and that standards remain consistent. The idea that such oversight is “unjust” overlooks a global consensus: in virtually every country with a significant Muslim population from Indonesia down to Senegal, Hajj management is centralized under a national authority to streamline services, secure bulk agreements, and prevent chaos. Malaysia and Indonesia, globally recognized for their well-coordinated Hajj systems, operate under this same principle.
NAHCON negotiates umbrella contracts often within parameters set by Saudi authorities but works in constant consultation with state officials and Tour Operators, incorporating feedback on menus, dietary needs, and transport logistics. The Commission even resisted a new Saudi policy in 2025 that would centralize all pilgrim feeding under Saudi-designated firms pushing back in defense of Nigerian-style meals and local food preferences.
This is not the behavior of a power-drunk regulator. It is the action of a Commission walking a tightrope between sovereignty and international compliance, seeking the best possible outcome for our Pilgrims in a foreign land.
And as for Private Tour Operators (PTOs), a group whose voice has grown loudest in the criticism chorus, the same regulatory lens applies. NAHCON licenses PTOs to ensure they meet minimum operational and financial standards before they are entrusted with pilgrims’ lives abroad. What’s being labeled as “control” is, in reality, quality assurance, which is where much of the current friction lies. NAHCON’s regulatory oversight is both necessary and fair.
When tour operators accuse NAHCON of being “high-handed,” the natural question is high-handed in relation to whom?
The answer is as plain as it is uncomfortable: unscrupulous service providers who once thrived in a system with too little oversight and too much impunity. For them, NAHCON’s insistence on structure, transparency, and service delivery is not high-handedness it is heresy.
But NAHCON should make no apologies. It should remain unyielding in its defense of the Nigerian Hujjaj. It should not stand by while pilgrims who save for years to undertake the Hajj are shortchanged by mediocrity masquerading as tradition. It should continue to demand, without fear or favor, that every provider, be it a global airline or a local caterer delivers exactly what was promised, at the quality promised, for the price agreed.
And yet, having dismantled each major allegation with facts, one must now ask the more probing question: Why have these tour operators painted such a grim and selective picture of NAHCON?
Motives are murky terrain, but it all descends on the fact that their chosen Mashair service provider was Ithra Al Khair was not chosen by their tour Operators colleagues for the 2025 Hajj. But context matters. What we are witnessing is not a spontaneous concern for pilgrims. It is the backlash of disrupted interests. The same service provider that they were accusing NAHCON of conniving with to offer substandard services to pilgrims.
In conclusion for this part, Reform always has casualties. When institutions evolve, those who once benefited from inefficiency often cry the loudest. But public service demands more than accommodation of legacy interests. It demands courage the kind that stands firm amid orchestrated attacks, that prioritizes the collective good over individual gain, that serves the people even when the noise gets deafening.
This is the path NAHCON has chosen. Not because it is easy, but because it is right.
And when the story of the 2025 Hajj is told not through the lens of those who tried to derail it, but through the experiences of the pilgrims who undertook it, it should be clear that facts prevailed over fiction, and that the sacred journey of the Hajj was protected not by convenience, but by conviction.
Ahmad Muazu wrote in from Abuja and can be reached on:
Ahmadmuazu@gmail.com








Rivers Must Not Overflow, Mr. President!, By Hassan Gimba
Rivers, a state so rich because God blessed it with abundant crude oil and gas, is named after the many rivers that border its territory. Forty percent of Nigeria’s crude oil output is produced in the state. It also has deposits of silica sand, glass sand and clay.
According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), ₦1.93 trillion was raked in in 2022 as Internally Generated Revenue (IGR) across the 36 states in Nigeria, including the Federal Capital Territory. Out of this, Rivers State generated ₦172.89 billion, second only to Lagos, with ₦651.15 billion.
And despite a 12 per cent decline in the overall allocation in the second quarter of this year, Rivers State was third with N69.73 billion. For December 2022, shared in January this year, for instance, the state received ₦13,700,878,221.58 (₦ 13.7 billion).
Despite its vast resources and strategic positioning as the nation’s goose that lays the golden eggs, Rivers State, created in 1967 with the splitting of the South Eastern State, had always been a calm state with level-headed people as its governors.
Apart from military administrators and governors, seven democratically elected governors have led the state since 1979. Among them is its first civilian governor, Melford Okilo, who governed for four years and 91 days, from 1 October 1979 to 31 December 1983.
Rufus Ada George was next and was in office for one year and 320 days, i.e. from January 1992 to 17 November 1993. Peter Odili was governor between 29 May 1999 and 29 May 2007, or eight years, and was the state’s first civilian governor in the current Republic.
The state started its journey to its current ‘ignominious’ status with the ascendancy to governance by Celestine Omehia, who was there for just 150 days, between 29 May 2007 and 26 October of that year.
Omehia, on the platform of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), won the governorship election, but Rotimi Amaechi, also of the same party, went to court claiming to be the candidate of the party and so his name ought to have been on the ballot paper.
Amaechi, the speaker of the state House of Assembly, was duly elected at the party’s primaries as its gubernatorial flag bearer. The PDP leadership substituted him “in error” in the state on the orders of the former president, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. The substitution was done without the due process of informing the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
And so the Supreme Court removed Omehia from office in October 2007 after he had been in office for five months. It ruled that he had usurped Amaechi’s ticket for the election, and accordingly handed Amaechi the top job. In any case, the principle is that the party owned the votes and not the candidate, and so even though Amaechi was not on the ballot, he inherited the votes cast for the party as its valid candidate.
From that event, when the court gave the Rivers people their governor, a seamless transition vacated the state.
Nyesom Ezenwo Wike, who also served for eight years from 29 May 2015 to 29 May 2023, grabbed the ticket from Amaechi’s hand with the help of the sitting president, Goodluck Ebere Jonathan, and his wife.
But that is not the case with Siminalayi Fubara, as he was handpicked and bankrolled to the office of the governor by Wike. Of course, Wike did not do that out of altruism, but for him to have a firm hold on the government of the rich state.
Now, barely 200-odd days into office, his anointed Fubara wants to be allowed to breathe. Sources have it that almost all appointees of the governor came from his godfather. All major contracts are being approved and dispensed by Wike, and any transaction above ₦50 million must have his seal of approval. According to Dele Momodu, a chieftain of the PDP, Wike usually screamed at Fubara in front of subordinates.
Fubara’s determination to escape Wike’s influence has led to a fierce battle between supporters on both sides, who are fighting to keep their leaders relevant in the political landscape. This has drawn up issues, many of which are testing the elasticity and resilience of our constitution, even threatening the spirit of that constitution.
Some 27 members of the State Assembly loyal to Wike left the party, on whose platform they were elected, for the All Progressives Congress (APC), the party ruling at the centre. This made Fubara, his loyalists and the PDP, struggling to regain their foothold in the state, declare their seats vacant.
Unfortunately for both gladiators, their party, the PDP, made toothless by no other than Wike, with expressed support from his erstwhile minions like Fubara and others, could not help.
Perhaps concerned with the happenings in Rivers and worried that what seemed like political pugilism for dominance may overflow and spill over to God knows where, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu called a meeting of the key actors and sought a détente.
Coming out of that gathering, a truce was reached, and an agreement signed, with the 27 members of the state House of Assembly back and calling the shots as bona fide legislators.
But this is where the problem is. Some stakeholders have already started calling on the president to approach the matter differently.
For instance, Robert Clarke, an elder and Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), has said the president had no constitutional right to intervene in the Rivers State crisis. He suggested that if the situation in Rivers State escalated, the president should not intervene but consider declaring a constitutional crisis, pointing out that the only historical instance where the federal government intervened in a state’s affairs was during the 1st Republic when a state of emergency was declared in the West.
On his part, Ben Murray-Bruce, the commonsense senator, has commended the president and the national security adviser (NSA), Malam Nuhu Ribadu, “for bringing peace in Rivers State.”
According to him, their intervention was timely, prudent and statesmanly, adding that it behoves the disputing parties to abide by the resolution. Others, however, see it differently.
Six elders from the state have dragged President Bola Tinubu to the Federal High Court in Abuja, for allegedly “compelling Governor Siminilaya Fubara into an unconstitutional agreement.”
Led by a member of the Rivers State House of Assembly representing Bonny State Constituency, the other five are Victor Jumbo, Senator Bennett Birabi, Senator Andrew Uchendu, Rear Admiral O. P. Fingesi, Ann Kio Briggs and Emmanuel Deinma.
To them, the agreement, which was signed on December 18, was not only “illegal but amounted to an usurpation, a nullification, and undermining of the extant/binding relevant provisions of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.”
They prayed the court to determine whether President Tinubu, Governor Fubara, and the Rivers State Assembly had the right to enter into any agreement that had the effect of nullifying or undermining the constitutional/legal potency of Section 109(I)(g) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution, as amended.
Section 109(1)(g) of the Constitution provides thus: (1) A member of a House of Assembly shall vacate his seat in the House if: (g) Being a person whose election to the House of Assembly was sponsored by a political party, he becomes a member of any other political party before the expiration of the period for which that House was elected: Provided that his membership of the latter political party is not as a result of a division in the political party of which he was previously a member, or of a merger of two or more political parties or factions by one of which he was previously sponsored.
Wherever one finds himself on this divide, this Rivers crisis is one that all sensible Nigerians who love our democracy will want to see resolved according to the letters and spirit of the Nigerian Constitution that the president, Fubara and Wike (who at some points) have all sworn to uphold and protect without fear, favour or ill will.
Nigerians, and possibly others, are waiting and watching.
Hassan Gimba is the Publisher and Editor-in-Chief of Neptune Prime.