Turkey Post-Coup Purges Convulse Society, By Mark Lowen
They are just visible on the white stone entrance: the outlines of letters that once spelled out “Fatih University,” removed after the attempted coup.
Students wait outside the closed gates to find out where they have been reassigned, their alma mater now designated a “terrorist institution.”
Fatih is one of 15 universities closed down since 15 July for having links to Fethullah Gulen, the cleric who the government alleges masterminded the coup and who lives in self-imposed exile in Pennsylvania. His educational movement opened schools and universities across Turkey and in 140 other countries from the 1980s.
Now anybody with alleged links to him or the failed takeover is being rounded up in the biggest purge in Turkey’s modern history. Some 100,000 people have been dismissed or suspended, 70,000 detained and 32,000 arrested: from teachers to soldiers, police to judges, aircraft pilots to journalists. Even the country’s most famous baklava chef was interrogated.
Nilufer Demircioglu was in her final year of chemistry studies at Fatih University when it was shut down. Of the 14,000 students, some have already been moved – many to universities far from their homes. But with an administrative backlog, she is still waiting to hear if she can complete her course and fulfil her dream of working in a laboratory.
“I never followed Fethullah Gulen,” she says. “I enrolled here because I was given a scholarship and it was close to my home. Our political leaders used to come here and promote this university. Now they have stopped me from finishing my studies.”
“Everyone is scared that they won’t be employed if they have the name of this university on their diploma. Former graduates have even been fired.”
The Gulen movement was once close to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – Islamists reshaping a constitutionally secular country. But from 2013 they fell out badly. Gulen followers within the police and intelligence services were blamed for orchestrating phone leaks that appeared to implicate Mr Erdogan and his inner circle in corruption.
Many now being rounded up in the post-coup purge say those in power never complained of Gulen’s influence when they were using it for their own means. But the purge has spread beyond suspected “Gulenists.”
Under the post-coup state of emergency, special decrees are netting all those accused of backing “terrorist groups” – a label considered so broad that the EU is insisting Turkey should narrow it if Turks are to be granted visa-free travel to Europe.
The state has targeted 1,100 academics who signed a declaration calling for a halt to Turkey’s conflict with the PKK Kurdish militants – and accusing the government of “massacres” in Kurdish areas.
“The Gulen movement is against everything we stand for: democracy, justice, secularism and peace,” she tells me.
“But since we signed the peace declaration, the university administration wanted to get rid of us. If there is no free thinking or free speech, there can be no science or democracy. The government wants to get rid of everybody who doesn’t obey them.”
President Erdogan has defended the purge, saying Turkey “needs time to clean up the extensions of these terrorist organisations”.
But he has also acknowledged that some innocent people may have been unfairly caught up in the arrests, and Prime Minister Binali Yildirim has now talked of crisis centres being established to handle claims from those unjustly accused.
“It is absolutely correct to pursue the arrests and dismissals,” says Enes Bayrakli from the pro-government think-tank SETA.
“There might be some mistakes but there will be mechanisms to correct those problems. We must understand the threat Turkey is facing.”
Any supposed link to Gulen-affiliated bodies is being scrutinised, such as deposits in the Gulen-linked Bank Asya.
More apparently outlandish connections have been alleged by the government, such as carrying a one-dollar bill, which it says denotes support for the movement.
Mr. Erdogan said the dismissals would not weaken the judiciary
The “Gulen” label is being widely bandied about. Even I was accused of being “Gulenist” and “close to Pennsylvania” by the pro-government columnist Mehmet Barlas for an article I had written about Mr Erdogan.
But Enes Bayrakli rejects claims of a witch hunt. “A terrorist organisation doesn’t just have one dimension,” he tells me. “It has an armed section but also a propaganda section. To take it down, you have to address all these issues.”
The terrorism charge is being levelled at pro-Kurdish writers, such as the award-winning novelist Asli Erdogan, in prison since mid-August. She was arrested for columns she had written for the pro-Kurdish newspaper Ozgur Gundem, on whose board she also served. A diabetic, she has complained of ill treatment in detention.
“By arresting Asli Erdogan, they’re trying to threaten Turkish intellectuals not to confront the Kurdish issue or criticise the government’s security measures,” says her lawyer Erdal Dogan. “The government is using the coup to hush up its critics. It’s not explicable within the legal framework.”
President Erdogan says the state of emergency might be needed for another year to crush the “terrorist” threat. More than 130 media outlets have been shut down, the pro-Kurdish IMC TV the latest victim.
The authorities have started releasing 38,000 prisoners, to make way for the new arrests.
Turkish society is undergoing its most dramatic reordering in decades. An emboldened government has a free hand. And there is little sign that it is loosening its grip.
Mark Lowen Is BBC Turkey correspondent, Ankara. [myad]
The second Criminal Court in the southern province of Hatay has rejected an indictment prepared about the Fethullah Gülen Terrorist Organization (FETÖ), a term used by the Turkish government to describe the Gülen movement, saying that there is no such a terrorist organization officially identified.
It was Edmund Burke, an Irish statesman that said: “the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to keep silent.”



The Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency (NIMASA) has appointed Snecou Financial Services Company Limited to assist in recovering debt of over five billion US Dollars various companies are owing it.
Corruption And The Audacity Of Patience Goodluck, By Gbenro Olajuyigbe
Nigeria’s complex crises are difficult to understand without accepting corruption as a specie of violence. A people bounded by Boko Haram in the North, Avengers in the South-South, Biafra in the East, herdsmen on rampage, kidnappers on the loose, and robbers on the roads have a lot to understand about evolution of violence. They need to know all forms of violence work together for worse for any society that loves oppression, embraces injustice and promotes inequality. They need to know that the persistent ubiquitous violence is sub-cultural reaction to the Twin Towers of Evil of Unjust Wealth and Unjust Poverty that corruption has built! Corruption destroys the basis for equality and equity, weakens institutions and structure in order to enthrone and sustain perversion of justice. Corruption shrinks resources available for development. It makes access to education difficult. It blocks the road to healthcare and frustrates path to security and welfare. It replaces government with Mafia and rights with might. It re-configures a state and imposes on it a Pyramid of disaster. When a country becomes a pyramid where tiny conical top are occupied by few who corner all available resources leaving the broad base of the pyramid to the many who are condemned to poverty and misery, such a country is ripe for any form of violence; whether of economic or of value!
The state prepares crime that violence perpetrators merely commit. When you open the window for corruption, you inevitably shut the door against peace. Corruption negotiates people out of existence. It creates a new world where self-help is attractive by manufacturing people that will use all means to fight back at a society that has taken them off the radar of equal opportunity and enforced the de-marketization of their citizenship. Corruption humiliates its victims, who often are the poor who become poorer and make a society ripe for committing violent crimes. It provides the motivation, the opportunity and the environment that violence needs to thrive.
If we want peace, we must steer away our country from this entanglement.
We cannot afford or sustain a country where people draw inspiration from their own callous oppressors; a nation where thieves are heroes; and blood thirsty criminals are mentors!
A nation that can no longer differentiate between evil and good; between righteousness and sin! A nation that uses the prism of tribe to determine who is just or unjust; a nation whose scale of justice stands on ‘mudus’ of corruption. A nation whose people are being stripped naked!
In saner climes, crime suspects hardly want to go to courts. In Nigeria, they want to be swiftly charged to court because they know that our courts are often citadels of corruption-propelled injustice! We cannot continue to have a ruling class using corruption to weaken all apparatuses of social and legal justice, destroying the capacity of judges to dispense appropriate justice and damage a whole legal system of a country; and worse still, turning around to benefit from its own willful incapacitation of justice administration architecture under the guise of human rights.
James Ibori was discharged and acquitted under our corruption–damaged legal process only to be convicted for the same offense in the UK. President Buhari must never again allow our country to be so ridiculed under his watch. Not even with the ‘human rights’ blackmail that has become the battle cry for the liberty of the lawless.
A nation cannot continue to build the barometer to measure human rights on what happens to those that are too defended and too protected to uphold national trust. Doing that amounts to isolating legal justice from social justice. It is not what happens to the out-of-control power merchants that counts. The truest form of justice seeks to protect the weak from the strong; not a cannon fodder for cruel violators of all that is decent about humanity.
Economy, security and corruption are still issues on the front burner of Buhari’s agenda. While the war against corruption is catching global attention with a noticeable margin of success at home, the same cannot be said about the economy and national security. Buhari must design his war against corruption in a way that ensures that recovered loot breathes life into the comatose economy.
Buhari’s inaugural speech a year ago assured justice to all. A pledge to be loyal and faithful to all without owing allegiance to anybody or cabal. It struck the core of national depreciation and ignited a vow for redemption and remediation. Based on it, we can say that we have a president who is not unmindful of the national challenges and the travails of Nigerians but also willing to protect the integrity of his oath. He must make the country work for all, especially the poor who have become the nation’s traditional burden bearers. He must stop listening to the ‘witches’ and their sorrowful songs. All the witches must be hunted down. It’s in my Bible that we should ‘suffer not the witch to live’. If you have stolen Nigeria’s money, you are a witch that must be hunted down. Your witchcraft has led to the death of many on the bad roads and in ill-equipped hospitals, among others! Buhari must not submit to blackmail. It is not in the Constitution that fighting corruption is a subject for Federal Character. It is neither a gender issue nor a party affair. The question is, did you steal or not? Great that Nigerians are increasingly owing the war against corruption. They are now speaking against their oppressors. Their oppressors are tagging their arrest and prosecution, ‘witch-hunt’ as if ‘witch-hunt’ is a defense in law. They are emotionally blackmailing the government that put them on trial under legitimate legal process and procedure. We must ignore them and focus on taking back our country. No state buys gun for her police if the intention is not to hunt down her witches; the vampires that criminally suck the blood out of her economy, and invariably her citizens, among others. A state that has been turned to a criminopolis by larger-than-life vampires must adopt all available strategies, including witch-hunting, to vanquish the nest of her witches. Let those who called their criminal trial political know that It is not for joke that Aristotle called man ‘a political animal’! Where there is politics of mindless stealing, there must be proportional politics of ruthless consequence. We must make it clear to people that we can end terrorism and other extreme violence and crime, not with a barrel of bullets, but when we build a country where no single person takes what belongs to millions of people; a nation that gets worried when individuals and groups are growing taller than law and fatter than justice. To achieve this country, change begins with Patience Jonathan! [myad]